Explaining the Durable Effects of Verbal Person‐Centered Supportive Communication: Indirect Effects or Invisible Support?

Researchers have documented benefits from receiving supportive messages high in verbal person‐centeredness (VPC), but the processes through which such messages produce longitudinal effects remain unclear. This study evaluated two perspectives (i.e., indirect effects and invisible support) that address how supportive messages can produce durable effects and tested sex differences in those effects. 255 dyads completed a laboratory‐based interaction in which level of VPC and sex of the support provider were manipulated. 3 weeks later, support receivers evaluated the conversations and their stressor. Variations in VPC produced durable effects both when messages were positively evaluated initially and when they were evaluated as supportive by providers or third‐party observers but judged low in supportiveness by receivers. Provider sex moderated the results.     

Performances on Rey Auditory Verbal Learning Test and Rey Complex Figure Test in a healthy, elderly Danish sample--reference data and validity issues

This study presents Danish data for Rey Auditory Verbal Learning Test (RAVLT) and Rey Complex Figure Test (RCFT) from 100 subjects aged 60-87 years. Education and estimated verbal intelligence (DART score) had a significant impact on the RAVLT trial 1-5 score but not on other RAVLT measures. The RCFT copy score was significantly related to age and the DART score. On RCFT recall a highly significant difference was found between persons who could make a faultless copy and persons with incomplete copy performance. Thus, this study presents separate data for RCFT recall scores according to the subjects' copying performance (in separate tables for age and education groups). For all measures on both RAVLT and RCFT wide distributions of scores were found and the impact of this broad score range on the tests' discriminative validity is discussed. RAVLT performances for elderly were similar to previous published meta-norms, but the included sample of elderly Danes performed better on RCFT (copy and recall) than elderly from the United States.     

How fast can you (possibly) do it,or how long will it (certainly) take? Communicating uncertain estimates of performance time

Recent research on verbal probability statements has revealed that some expressions (e.g., possible) are especially appropriate for describing outcomes in the high end of a distribution, whereas other expressions (e.g., certain) are more appropriate for describing low-end values. However, some dimensions appear to be reversible, with higher achievements sometimes associated with high and sometimes with low values, depending on frame. We report three experiments where this “reframing effect” is studied in communications of estimated performance time, both from a speaker's and from a listener's perspective. We hypothesize that statements describing tasks as “taking time” suggest a duration frame, and find accordingly that statements about how many hours that possibly will be spent on a task, or the time a task possibly takes, lead to high time estimates. Statements focusing on the actor's role suggest, in contrast, a speed frame, thus statements about what the actor can possibly do lead to low time estimates. Estimates of the time a task certainly takes or when it is certainly done follow the opposite pattern. The results are in line with approaches that see production and comprehension of language as a dynamical and context-driven process.     

Effect of click trains on duration estimates by people with Parkinson's disease

Patients with a diagnosis of Parkinson's disease and age- and IQ-matched controls estimated the duration of short 500-Hz tones (325–1,225 ms), on trials where the tone was either preceded by 3 s of 5-Hz clicks, or presented without clicks. The click manipulation had been shown in earlier studies with student participants to make verbal estimates longer. Patients were tested both on and off their dopaminergic medication, and controls were also tested in two sessions. Verbal estimates were markedly and significantly longer on trials with clicks than on those without clicks for both the patients and the controls, but there were no significant performance differences between patients or controls, nor between the on and off medication sessions in the patients. The study shows that a manipulation of subjective time, which has had small but consistent effects in student participants, also affects timing in patients and adds to a growing body of evidence that timing in patients with Parkinson's disease may in many cases have the same characteristics as those of neurologically intact control groups.     

Verbal probabilities: An alternative approach

Previous studies of verbal probabilities have tried to place expressions like a chance, possible, and certain on 0–1 numerical probability scales. We ask instead, out of a range of outcomes, which outcome a verbal probability suggests. When, for instance, a sample of laptop batteries lasts from 1.5 to 3.5 hours, what is a certain and what is a possible duration? Experiment 1 showed that speakers associate certain with low values and possible with (unlikely) high or maximal values. In Experiment 2, this methodology was applied to several positive and negative verbal probability phrases, showing a preference for high rather than low or middle values in a distribution. Experiment 3 showed that such maxima are not universally described by large numbers. For instance, maximum speed is often described in terms of a small number of time units. What can (possibly) happen is accordingly sometimes described with very low and sometimes with very high values, depending upon focus of interest. Finally, participants in Experiment 4 were given the role of hearers rather than speakers and were asked to infer outcome ranges from verbal probabilities. Hearers appeared to be partly aware of speakers' tendencies to describe outcomes at the top of the range.     

Book Notes: Adams,Frederick and Kenneth Aizawa,The Bounds of Cognition,Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2008, pp. xiii + 197, AU$120.00 / NZ$130.00 (cloth)

Logical pluralism has been in vogue since JC Beall and Greg Restall 2006 articulated and defended a new pluralist thesis. Recent criticisms such as Priest 2006a Priest, Graham. 2006a. Doubt Truth to be a Liar, Oxford: Oxford University Press.  [Google Scholar] and Field 2009 Field, Hartry. 2009. Pluralism in Logic. Review of Symbolic Logic, 2/2: 342–59. doi:10.1017/S1755020309090182[Crossref], [Web of Science ®] , [Google Scholar] have suggested that there is a relationship between their type of logical pluralism and the meaning-variance thesis for logic. This is the claim, often associated with Quine 1970 Quine, W. V. O. 1970. Philosophy of Logic, Oxford: Oxford University Press.  [Google Scholar], that a change of logic entails a change of meaning. Here we explore the connection between logical pluralism and meaning-variance, both in general and for Beall and Restall's theory specifically. We argue that contrary to what Beall and Restall claim, their type of pluralism is wedded to meaning-variance. We then develop an alternative form of logical pluralism that circumvents at least some forms of meaning-variance.     

Intelligence indexes generalist genes for cognitive abilities

Twin research has supported the concept of intelligence (general cognitive ability, g) by showing that genetic correlations between diverse tests of verbal and nonverbal cognitive abilities are greater than 0.50. That is, most of the genes that affect cognitive abilities are highly pleiotropic in the sense that genes that affect one cognitive ability affect all cognitive abilities. The impact of this finding may have been blunted because it depends on the validity of the twin method. Although the assumptions of the twin method have survived indirect tests, it is now possible to test findings from the twin method directly using DNA alone in samples of unrelated individuals, without the assumptions of the twin method. We applied this DNA method, implemented in a software package called Genome-wide Complex Trait Analysis (GCTA), to estimate genetic variance and covariance for two verbal tests and two nonverbal tests using 1.7 million DNA markers genotyped on 2500 unrelated children at age 12; 1900 children also had cognitive data and DNA at age 7. Because each of these individuals is one member of a twin pair, we were able to compare GCTA estimates directly to twin study estimates using the same measures in the same sample. At age 12, GCTA confirmed the results of twin research in showing substantial genetic covariance between verbal and nonverbal composites. The GCTA genetic correlation at age 12 was 1.0 (SE = 0.32), not significantly different from the twin study estimate of 0.60 (SE = 0.09). At age 7, the genetic correlations were 0.31 (SE = 0.32) from GCTA and 0.71 (SE = 0.15).from twin analysis. The results from the larger sample and stronger measures at age 12 confirm the twin study results that the genetic architecture of intelligence is driven by pleiotropic effects on diverse cognitive abilities. However, the results at age 7 and the large standard errors of GCTA bivariate genetic correlations suggest the need for further research with larger samples.     

Mom told me scary things about this animal: Parents installing fear beliefs in their children via the verbal information pathway

This study investigated whether fear beliefs can be installed in children after parents had received negatively tinted information about a novel stimulus. Parents of children aged 8-13 years (N = 88) were presented with negative, positive, or ambiguous information about an unknown animal and then given a number of open-ended vignettes describing confrontations with the animal with the instruction to tell their children what would happen in these situations. Results indicated that children's fear beliefs were influenced by the information that was provided to the parent. That is, parents who had received negative information provided more threatening narratives about the animal and hence installed higher levels of fear beliefs in their children than parents who had received positive information. In the case of ambiguous information, the transmission of fear was dependent on parents' trait anxiety levels. More precisely, high trait anxious parents told more negative stories about the unknown animal, which produced higher fear levels in children.