全文获取类型
收费全文 | 220篇 |
免费 | 19篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2023年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 5篇 |
2019年 | 12篇 |
2018年 | 6篇 |
2017年 | 16篇 |
2016年 | 9篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 6篇 |
2013年 | 32篇 |
2012年 | 2篇 |
2011年 | 2篇 |
2010年 | 1篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 2篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 6篇 |
2005年 | 5篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 4篇 |
1984年 | 8篇 |
1983年 | 6篇 |
1982年 | 7篇 |
1981年 | 10篇 |
1980年 | 9篇 |
1979年 | 10篇 |
1978年 | 10篇 |
1977年 | 10篇 |
1976年 | 6篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 8篇 |
1973年 | 5篇 |
排序方式: 共有239条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
21.
Jake Quilty-Dunn 《British Journal for the History of Philosophy》2013,21(2):302-323
There are issues in Reid scholarship as well as the primary texts that seem to suggest that Reid is not a direct realist about visual perception. In this paper, I examine two key issues – colour perception and visible figure – and attempt to defend the direct realism of Reid's theory through an interpretation of ‘directness’ as well as what Reid calls ‘acquired perception’, which is ‘mediate’ in that it requires prior perception of signs, but nonetheless constitutes direct perception. 相似文献
22.
Caleb Cohoe 《British Journal for the History of Philosophy》2013,21(5):838-856
Several of Thomas Aquinas's proofs for the existence of God rely on the claim that causal series cannot proceed in infinitum. I argue that Aquinas has good reason to hold this claim given his conception of causation. Because he holds that effects are ontologically dependent on their causes, he holds that the relevant causal series are wholly derivative: the later members of such series serve as causes only insofar as they have been caused by and are effects of the earlier members. Because the intermediate causes in such series possess causal powers only by deriving them from all the preceding causes, they need a first and non-derivative cause to serve as the source of their causal powers. 相似文献
23.
《Reformation & Renaissance Review》2013,15(1):29-61
AbstractPighius's Controversies were first published in 1541 and apparently went through nine separate editions by 1586, although one of these never existed and two others incorporate copies of earlier editions. The first of the sixteen ‘controversies’, on original sin, proved to be controversial and was later branded as semi-Pelagian. Pighius had it printed on his way from the Worms to the Regensburg Colloquy, but was prevented from publishing the volume until after the collapse of the latter. He announced that he had been displeased with the first printed version and that he had had the first signature reprinted. The Cambridge University Library has a copy of the first edition with two different A signatures, the first of these being a unique and hitherto unnoticed examplar of the earlier, cancelled, printing. This copy also contains two hand-written notes banning the publication of the first controversy for the time being. The most likely explanation is that Nicholas Granvella, the imperial chancellor, wrote these notes, banning (until the conclusion of the Regensburg Colloquy) first the publication of the first controversy and later the publication of the entire first volume of the Controversies, comprising the first nine controversies. The article concludes with the cancelled text, collated with the text found in all of the later versions. 相似文献
24.
《Reformation & Renaissance Review》2013,15(2):122-137
AbstractIn his Anglica Historia, the expatriate Italian cleric, Polydore Vergil (1470–1555), cultivated a flexible and resourceful relationship with ecclesiastical and temporal authorities in Henrician and Edwardine England when residing there. His humanist learning enabled him to adapt to changes of power and religion by means of a prudent publishing strategy, to challenge with a degree of impunity the perceived wisdom of both kings and clerics, and to carry out revenge upon one who had wronged him: Cardinal Wolsey. Using primary and secondary source material, this article examines, for the first time, Vergil’s attitude to and dealings with those in authority through an assessment of his Anglica Historia. Dying a Roman Catholic in his native Italy, ‘Polydorus Italus’ adjudged the Henrician Reformation, in so far as he actually presents it, as deficient. 相似文献
25.
John C. Polkinghorne 《Theology & Science》2013,11(4):317-322
The role of chance in evolutionary process need not negate belief in the purposes of the Creator. The nature of causality is not determined by science alone, for it requires also acts of metaphysical decision. Moreover, science's accounts of physical reality are notably patchy, with relationships between different regimes often ill-understood An honest science cannot exclude the exercise of agency, either human or divine. Evolutionary insight can offer some help with the problems of theodicy. 相似文献
26.
Mark D. Jordan 《The Journal of religious ethics》2016,44(2):246-259
How far is Thomas Aquinas available for current discussions in political philosophy? While there are certainly things to be learned from him about our political preoccupations, the pedagogy of his moral teaching typically resists our familiar questions. This holds even when the question is put in terms that Thomas should recognize—say, as a question about the virtues appropriate for a democracy. Thomas not only gives different meanings to these terms, he moves political topics away from the center of theological attention and so organizes them very differently. A reader can notice these differences at many points but perhaps especially in the attention that Thomas gives in the Summa to the gifts of the Holy Spirit. His account of these gifts qualifies significantly what he says of virtue and suggests large limits on human agency, whether in ethics or in politics. 相似文献
27.
28.
29.
Edwin C. Laurenson 《Zygon》2000,35(4):907-918
This article responds to Stanley J. Grenz's Templeton Lecture, “Why Do Theologians Need to Be Scientists?” published in the June 2000 issue of Zygon (Grenz 2000). In the first part I outline my reasons for finding the kind of theological reflections in which Grenz engages worthy of attention by noting my disagreement with the view that a sufficient response to theological issues can be formulated on the basis of an examination of our biological nature. I assert, in that connection, the autonomy of reason as a way of investigating and understanding the world. In the second part I respond directly to Grenz by explaining my disagreement with the postmodern critique of science upon which he relies and his adherence to Christian eschatology as an answer to the conundrums into which, he posits, we are drawn as a result of that critique. I note that I agree with Grenz, however, that the activity of valuing is necessarily a forward‐looking Godlike endeavor that is not derivable from science. In the third part I suggest that we must be open to the investigation of the possible existence of an objective realm of value and that, in any case, rejection of the postmodern critique of science in many cases pro‐vides a sound basis for the disciplined resolution of factual questions that frequently lie at the base of disagreements about values. 相似文献
30.
Anna Case-Winters 《Zygon》2000,35(1):69-81
This article offers a brief overview of the argument for God's existence grounded in the evidence of design. It gives particular attention to the way the argument has evolved over time and in relation to changing scientific perspectives. The argument from de-sign has in fact been formulated and reformulated in response to the discoveries and challenges it has encountered from the field of science. The conclusion of the article explores the theological importance of this argument—its extent and its limits. 相似文献