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231.
The institutionalization of biodiversity conservation through legal instruments has led to mixed reactions at both the individual and community levels, with conflict and resistance co‐existing with support. The overall purpose of this paper is to describe how rural communities living in areas included in the Natura 2000 Network of protected sites, where local practices of land use are regulated by new legal directives, receive biodiversity conservation goals. Previous studies suggest that this reception is strongly shaped by place identification, but their contradictory results demand further clarification. This study examines the role of psycho‐social variables identified by previous studies as potentially relevant moderators of identification: (a) Vested interest in natural resources, (b) evaluation of the designation process of protected areas and (c) institutional trust. It further extends previous research by analysing the support given to contextually relevant ecological practices. Results reveal a positive link between place identification and attitudes in the high vested interest condition and show that support for conservation practices is better predicted in the high vested interest and low trust conditions. The discussion focuses on the relevance of analysing contextually relevant psycho‐social moderators when attempting to understand how local communities' relation with biodiversity conservation is affected by legislative innovation. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
232.
In this commentary, the two critical attributes of seductive details are described through a historical lens: relevance and interest. For each of these attributes, various forms that have populated the seductive detail literature are distinguished, and the specific manner in which each is interpreted by contributors to the Special Issue is considered. The forms of relevance overviewed are personal, structural, instructional, and task relevance. For interest, distinctions between individual and situational interest are noted, and the concept of interestingness is delineated. With this historical backdrop, the studies in this Special Issue are analyzed, and four provocative questions are posed: When are “seductive details” not seductive? What contextual factors contribute to seduction? For whom is seduction a problem? When is the solution worse than the problem?  相似文献   
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当代高中生职业选择调查研究   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
本研究对浙江三所高中的三个年级共 3 3 7名高中生职业选择情况进行了调查 ,调查内容包括高中生对将来的打算、职业兴趣以及职业能力。调查结果表明 ,职业兴趣的性别分化在高中时期业已显现 ;高中生虽然会结合自己的理想、兴趣对职业进行选择 ,但是也受到社会环境和社会舆论的影响  相似文献   
234.
职业兴趣的结构:理论与研究   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
有着近70年历史的职业兴趣结构的研究丰富与发展了其理论,这些理论主要包括:Roe的圆形模型、Holland的六边形模型、Prediger的维度模型、Gati的层级模型以及Tracey-Rounds的球形模型。总结比较这些不同的职业兴趣结构的研究发现,Holland的六边形模型更适合于美国样本(非种族样本)群体,而其他的模型则有待于进一步的考察。研究还表明没有广泛适用的职业兴趣模型,因此,职业兴趣的跨化研究应深入探讨与验证。  相似文献   
235.
This longitudinal study examines the role that students' political reputation in class plays in their future political activities offline together with other people. When aged 16, students were asked to nominate the classmates they considered politically knowledgeable and verbal in class, that is, as having a political reputation. This measure of political reputation was used to predict the participants' political activities offline four years later at age 20 and their attempts to take a stand in public in the national election the same year. The study controlled for individual differences in political interest, self-perceived political impact in class, the students' political activities at age 16, and also gender and immigrant status. About 300 Swedish students were followed up four years later. Political reputation in class positively predicted future political activities offline, membership of political organizations, and attempts to take a stand in public for a party in the forthcoming national election. At the same time, the role played by political reputation depended upon students' other characteristics, especially their levels of anger and popularity, as observed by classmates. Evidently, the group dynamics in class that give some students a political reputation have long-term consequences for their future political activities.  相似文献   
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Despite recent advances in gender equality in political representation and the availability of resources, this article shows that there is a persistent gender gap in declared political interest over the life cycle. Using evidence from the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS), we track the gender gap through the life span of citizens. At age 15, there is already a substantial gender gap of 20 percentage points in the probability of respondents reporting being politically interested, pointing to gendered socialization processes as the key explanation for such differences. In the following 10 years, as people develop into adults and unravel their political orientations, the extent of the gender gap continues to grow by about 10 additional percentage points. Following these formative years, attitudes crystallize and so does the gender gap, remaining at the same size (around 30 percentage points of difference between women and men) over the life course. These findings suggest that the development of gender roles during early childhood is a crucial phase in the source of the gender gap, deserving further attention from scholars.  相似文献   
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