The Intrinsic Value of Sport: A Reply to Culbertson

Leon Culbertson's recent contribution, ‘Does Sport Have Intrinsic Value?’ objects to the account of the value of sport as intrinsic value I had developed in my Sport, Rules and Values; in particular, as this occurs in my argument that the value of some sports resided in the possibility of their functioning as a moral laboratory. He identifies two accounts of intrinsic value; and shows that neither would fit my purposes seamlessly. He urges that my account of the place of normative reasons cannot generate intrinsic value: rather, the person whose reasons they are somehow imports that value. Yet he has misunderstood my particularist conception of values; and the place occupied by my contextualism – these, rather than a residual commitment to essentialism, are what generates an apparent inconsistency he identifies. But they also explain it away. As a result, much of his concern to find some exact account of the term ‘intrinsic’ is misplaced: we need to look contextually. Further, the project of my discussion was limited to showing, first, how the moral laboratory idea might explain the value of some sport (on the assumption that sport had intrinsic value); and, second, how failures of realisation of that intrinsic value might be traced to the distinction between motivating reasons and normative ones.     

Is Nature Enough? Yes

Abstract. Religious naturalism encompasses thinkers from Baruch Spinoza, George Santayana, John Dewey, Henry Nelson Wieman, and Ralph Burhoe to recent writers. I offer a generic definition of religious naturalism and then outline my own version, the “minimalist vision of transcendence.” Many standard issues in the science‐and‐religion dialogue are seen to fade in significance for religious naturalism. I make suggestions for our understanding of science, including the importance of transcognitive abilities, the need for a revised notion of rationality as an alternative to extreme versions of postmodernism, the value of rational dissensus, and the education of appreciation. Finally, I suggest ways to interpret the religious traditions of the world by religious naturalism.     

A multivariate investigation of the reinforcer structure of occupations

Earlier research based on 81 Occupational Reinforcer Patterns (ORPs) suggested a nine-category classification of occupations. The present research, based on 148 ORPs, investigated the ability of that classificatory system to assimilate new information. Cluster analysis of the 148 ORPs yielded an eight-category classification of occupations in which five of the original occupational clusters appeared virtually unchanged; the other four original clusters were combined into two occupational clusters. One new cluster was identified. Principal factors analysis was employed to study the factor structure of the occupational reinforcers and to highlight the essential nature of the classificatory system. Five reinforcer factors were identified.     

Individual differences in speed of phonemic analysis, visual analysis, and reading.

College student subjects (Ss) classified phrases as making sense or not according to sound in one condition, according to visual appearance in another, and in abasic task in which either strategy would yield right answers. Ss who were relatively fast in the visual condition were faster at the basic task than Ss who were relatively fast in the sound condition. Other results suggested that the former Ss used a visual strategy in the basic task while the latter used a phonemic strategy.