American Political Culture in Comparative Perspective

In order to formulate a comparative model of political cultures, a theory that integrates psychological, sociological and economic variables is developed. Within societies dominant political cultural themes stress particular patterns of right and obligation. These patterns simultaneously undergird social solidarity and justify an unequal distribution of rewards. Differences among political cultures exist vertically on an historical dimension of increasing moral comprehensiveness and horizontally on a dimension of moral content. Internal tensions deriving from technological development and from social discourse about the moral adequacy of norms stimulate change. A case study of American political culture, with its contrasting emphases on egalitarianism and individualism, assesses the theoretical claims.     

论公民道德建设的文化生态基础

为了使公民道德能在我国整个社会文化生态系统中获得稳定的、可持续的快速发展,必须深入考察、全面审视和正确把握我国现今的文化生态系统,努力探寻使系统保持良性循环并不断优化的最佳途径,从而为公民道德建设提供一个健康、坚实的客观文化基础。     

Extraversion,Openness to Experience,and Global Career Intention: The Mediating Role of Cultural Intelligence

Drawing from social cognitive career theory, this study asserts that the personality traits of extraversion and openness to experience are positively and significantly related to global career intention (GCI). Moreover, drawing from self‐efficacy theory, this study asserts that cultural intelligence mediates the relationship between these personality traits and GCI. Results from a study in Australia of 158 undergraduate students demonstrated that extraversion and openness to experience are positively and significantly related to GCI. Results also showed that cultural intelligence partially mediates the relationship between (a) extraversion and GCI and (b) openness to experience and GCI.     

From Global Expressivism to Global Pragmatism

In the twentieth century, questions of meaning and representation played a central role in the development of pragmatism and analytic philosophy. Present‐day neopragmatism, such as Huw Price's “global expressivism,” is often framed in terms of a nonrepresentationalist theory of meaning. While some neopragmatists, such as Robert Brandom, advocate a more local approach, this article argues for taking Price's global expressivism to its next logical step: global pragmatism. Global pragmatism prioritizes the behavior‐guiding function of language and redefines representation in operational terms. This operational approach (“o‐representation”) stresses the action and conduct‐guiding role of language use, highlights the connection between meaning and action, and addresses issues facing Price's global expressivism.     

Indirect cosmopolitan education: on the contribution of national education to attitudes towards foreigners

ABSTRACT

Many rich countries are witnessing the rise of xenophobic political parties. The opposition to immigration and global redistributive policies is high. How can we pursue global justice in such non-ideal circumstances? Whatever the way we want to pursue global justice, it seems that a change in the political ethos of citizens from rich countries will be necessary. They must come to internalize some genuine concern for foreigners and relativize national identities. Can education contribute to the promotion of such cosmopolitan ethos? An overtly cosmopolitan educational agenda is not likely to be endorsed in these societies where national ties and national priority may be considered fully legitimate by the majority. Nevertheless, this paper argues, some more achievable educational aims may have desirable cosmopolitan spillover effects although it is not their primary purpose. Decentration, empathy, critical thinking, understanding of social reality and social mix can be defended as necessary for a better domestic society. Yet these aims also make the widespread development of a cosmopolitan ethos more likely. This paper thus considers the arguments that can be made for these educational aims and their potential effects on citizens’ attitudes towards foreigners. Then, it discusses a possible tension with another aspect of national civic education: national integration.     

Équivalence échelle composite – échelle globale dans la mesure de la satisfaction au travail

We measured work satisfaction within the same sample (n=12) using two different methods : the one-item-scale global measure and the facet-scales composite measure. Results showed that the global scale is not equivalent to summated facet scales. This results can be explained by the fact that composite measures don’t take into account the proper weight of each facet in the computation of general work satisfaction. Considering limits presented by mixed measures in order to show up this weights, we advocate the development of a work satisfaction composite measure that integrates the measure of the importance allocated to each facet of work in the computation of general work satisfaction.     

具身社会认知：认知心理学的生态学转向

具身社会认知是具身认知同社会认知对话的产物,这种对话从三个维度展开,即具身自我认知、具身人际认知、具身群体认知。本研究不仅论证了具身认知的视角提高了传统社会认知心理学的生态效度,而且从进化心理学、镜像神经元视角对具身社会认知的现象进行了探析。具身社会认知作为一种研究思潮,面临着许多挑战：(1)具身社会认知是对行为主义研究范式的回归;(2)具(体)身(体)是社会认知过程的一种附带现象。     

Justification and legitimacy in global civil society

As some thinkers have sought in the concept of global civil society an ethically driven site of deliberation and even resistance, so others have criticized global civil society for its lack of legitimacy and representativeness. This article attempts to answer these criticisms – at least in part – by invoking a moral commitment to the value of justification. I argue that the idea of justification, when examined, offers us a particular understanding of legitimacy which would be attainable for global civil society actors. The article begins by setting out the case for concern about the legitimacy of global civil society. I then outline a certain understanding of justification, showing how a commitment to this conception provides both a response to critics of global civil society and an ethical baseline for humane actors within global civil society. I move on to trace the significance of the moral relevance of justification for actors' strategies. Lastly, however, I highlight the difficulty of justification in a diverse world. This is to say that the issues of legitimacy and strategy facing global civil society are only made more tractable, not dissolved, by an appeal to the importance of justification.     

From the Editors

This article examines the relationship between global poverty and terrorism. The approach is built around a concept of ‘social bandit’ developed by Eric Hobsbawm. By social bandits, Hobsbawm refers to those outlaws in pre-capitalist societies who robbed the rich, and gave (at least some of their loot) to the poor. What was common to social bandits is a myth that surrounded their activity, and a strong popular sympathy and support. This article uses Hobsbawm's notion of social bandit to deal with the fact that in today's international setting, particularly in the context of huge international inequality and widespread poverty in the non-western world, violence against western states, particularly the United States, enjoys significant sympathy elsewhere. This is not only an outcome of inequality and has to do with other factors, particularly certain political or military actions of the USA and other western states, but what is important to note here is that violence perpetrated by terrorists is directed at those who are seen as beneficiaries of the existing order, of international inequalities and injustices. In short, the operation of the international order, its asymmetries and inequalities, riches and wealth in developed countries and poverty and misery elsewhere, seems to play a role in the creation of such social bandits, and in providing them with support and legitimacy which they otherwise would not have had.