全文获取类型
收费全文 | 365篇 |
免费 | 72篇 |
国内免费 | 14篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 13篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 9篇 |
2020年 | 38篇 |
2019年 | 34篇 |
2018年 | 22篇 |
2017年 | 55篇 |
2016年 | 27篇 |
2015年 | 16篇 |
2014年 | 17篇 |
2013年 | 26篇 |
2012年 | 32篇 |
2011年 | 20篇 |
2010年 | 17篇 |
2009年 | 11篇 |
2008年 | 23篇 |
2007年 | 17篇 |
2006年 | 21篇 |
2005年 | 8篇 |
2004年 | 1篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有451条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
111.
Meet Your Neighbours. Authoritarians Engage in Intergroup Contact When They have the Opportunity 下载免费PDF全文
Anna Brune Frank Asbrock Chris G. Sibley 《Journal of community & applied social psychology》2016,26(6):567-580
Research indicates that authoritarians tend to avoid intergroup contact. This study tested the hypothesis that living in a neighbourhood with a higher proportion of Asian peoples increases the likelihood of contact with them for the majority (New Zealand Europeans), and that this effect should increase intergroup contact for authoritarians. Multi‐level Random Coefficient Modelling of data from the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (N = 3903) indicated that New Zealand Europeans high in authoritarianism in neighbourhoods with a high proportion of Asian peoples have more contact with Asian friends, relative to authoritarians in less ethnically diverse areas. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
112.
In this qualitative study, the authors examined responses to racial microaggressions among undergraduate Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) (N = 36) at a large Canadian university. To this end, we employed the consensual qualitative research method (CQR; Hill et al., 2005; Hill, Thompson, & Williams, 1997; Hill, 2012) among seven focus groups. Canadian undergraduate student participants, who self-identified as East Asian (n = 7), South Asian (n = 7), Arab (n = 9), Black (n = 7), and Indigenous (n = 6), expressed four strategic responses to racial microaggressions: using humor to mitigate tension, seeking community and solidarity for support, avoiding or withdrawing for protection and confronting perpetrators and challenging stereotypes. Findings demonstrated the dialectic between avoiding and confronting racial microaggressions, the nuanced role of using humor as a response strategy, and the importance of social support for BIPOC students. Findings are consistent with and extend current proposals of microinterventions. Social identity markers and power dynamics influenced students’ response strategies. Implications and directions for future research are discussed. 相似文献
113.
From segregation to intergroup contact and back: Using experiments and simulation to understand the bidirectional link 下载免费PDF全文
Elmar Schlueter Johannes Ullrich Andreas Glenz Peter Schmidt 《European journal of social psychology》2018,48(1):17-32
Research on intergroup contact has mostly viewed desegregation as a necessary condition for contact to unfold its power to reduce prejudice. Through residential and school choices, however, prejudice also contributes to segregation. To shed light on this bidirectional link, we conducted two survey‐based experiments with stratified quota samples of German adults. In Study 1, respondents with less contact and more prejudice indicated a lower likelihood of renting an apartment in a neighborhood with a larger proportion of minority members, although housing quality and crime rate were held constant. In Study 2, similar results were obtained for the likelihood of enrolling their child at a school with a larger proportion of minority students. Building on these results in a computer simulation, we find that because contact only reduces prejudice, but does not produce pro‐minority preferences, spontaneous desegregation is unlikely to occur even under the most favorable structural and economic conditions. 相似文献
114.
115.
116.
《The Journal of social psychology》2012,152(2):264-266
Abstract According to the attribution-value model, prejudice toward a group stems from 2 interrelated variables: attributions of controllability and cultural value. Thus, prejudice toward gay men and lesbians may stem from others' holding them responsible for their behaviors and perceiving negative cultural value regarding homosexuality. The author tested that model by using the issue of homosexuality. The participants were Turkish undergraduates who completed a homophobia scale and answered questions about the origins of homosexuality, cultural attitudes toward homosexuality, and their own gender and sexual preferences. In general, the participants were prejudiced against gay men and lesbians. As expected, attributions of controllability and negative cultural value regarding homosexuality operated jointly to explain 39% of the variation in homophobia. The participants who thought that homosexuality was controllable had more negative attitudes toward gay men and lesbians than did those who thought that homosexuality was uncontrollable. The female participants were more tolerant of homosexuality than were the male participants. 相似文献
117.
《The Journal of social psychology》2012,152(5):545-561
Abstract In this study, we extended the Dual Process Model of Ideology and Prejudice by incorporating the Five-Factor Model of Personality (N = 924). Disagreeable people tended to view the social world as competitive, which in turn predicted heightened motivations for group-based dominance and superiority (Social Dominance Orientation or SDO), whereas people low in Openness to Experience and high in Conscientiousness directly expressed heightened security-cohesion motivations (Right-Wing Authoritarianism or RWA). Other personality dimensions were weakly associated with RWA, and these effects were mediated by dangerous worldview. Multiple distinct aspects of personality predict SDO and RWA both directly and indirectly through worldviews, but we found little evidence for the possibility that personality alters the extent to which worldviews (once formed) predict SDO and RWA. 相似文献
118.
《The Journal of social psychology》2012,152(2):117-120
ABSTRACT The authors examine the idea, derived from Terror Management Theory, that concerns about undocumented immigrants stem from the need to protect death-buffering cultural values against the symbolic threat posed by dissimilar others. It is hypothesized that reminders of death will intensify aversion to culturally dissimilar immigrants. Forty-six university students were randomly assigned to a mortality salience or a control condition prior to evaluating either an illegal alien named Ben Johnson from Vancouver or Carlos Suarez from Mexico City. Consistent with the hypothesis, reactions to the Canadian target did not differ in the control and mortality salience conditions, whereas reactions to the Mexican immigrant were more negative in the mortality salience than in the control condition. 相似文献
119.
《The Journal of social psychology》2012,152(4):391-392
ABSTRACT Threat perceptions are associated with politically conservative attitudes. Research has also found that specific forms of threat perception (e.g., concerns about pathogens) are associated with functional reactions (e.g., anti-fat prejudice). Recently, moral intuitions have been implicated in explaining political orientation: Liberals tend to place greater weight on “individualizing foundations” (justice and care concerns) in particular, whereas conservatives tend to place high weight on “binding foundations” (loyalty, respect, and purity concerns) as well. A recent study attempted to integrate the above strands of research by showing that the effect of threat perceptions on conservatism is mediated by a tendency to place relatively greater weight on the binding foundations. The present study was intended to replicate and extend past research by testing (a) whether concerns about pathogens predict conservatism and anti-fat prejudice and (b) whether those effects are mediated by a tendency to place relatively greater weight on the binding foundations. 相似文献
120.
《The Journal of social psychology》2012,152(6):758-774
ABSTRACT Among 342 white college students, we examined the effects of social dominance orientation (SDO), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and racial color-blindness on modern racism attitudes. Structural equation modeling was used to test the indirect effects of SDO and RWA on modern racism attitudes through color-blind racial attitudes. We found strong indirect effects of SDO and RWA on modern racism through racial color-blindness. We did not find support for an alternative model, in which we tested racial color-blindness as a moderator of the effects of SDO and RWA on modern racism. Findings suggest that highly dominant and authoritarian white students endorse color-blind racial attitudes, although likely for different reasons. In turn, this predicts their modern racism attitudes. These findings indicate racial color-blindness is important to address as part of anti-racism education. 相似文献