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211.
Devin English Sharon F. Lambert Michele K. Evans Alan B. Zonderman 《American journal of community psychology》2014,54(3-4):219-228
While evidence indicates that experienced racial discrimination is associated with increased depressive symptoms for African Americans, there is little research investigating predictors of experienced racial discrimination. This paper examines neighborhood racial composition and sociodemographic factors as antecedents to experienced racial discrimination and resultant levels of depressive symptoms among African American adults. The sample included 505 socioeconomically-diverse African American adults from Baltimore, MD. Study data were obtained via self-report and geocoding of participant addresses based on 2010 census data. Study hypotheses were tested using multiple pathways within a longitudinal Structural Equation Model. Experienced racial discrimination was positively associated with age and sex such that older individuals and males experienced increased levels of racial discrimination. In addition, the percentage of White individuals residing in a neighborhood was positively associated with levels of experienced racial discrimination for African American neighborhood residents. Experienced racial discrimination was positively associated with later depressive symptoms. Neighborhood-level contextual factors such as neighborhood racial composition and individual differences in sociodemographic characteristics appear to play an important role in the experience of racial discrimination and the etiology of depression in African American adults. 相似文献
212.
There has been a substantial increase in research on the determinants and consequences of political ideology among political scientists and social psychologists. In psychology, researchers have examined the effects of personality and motivational factors on ideological orientations as well as differences in moral reasoning and brain functioning between liberals and conservatives. In political science, studies have investigated possible genetic influences on ideology as well as the role of personality factors. Virtually all of this research begins with the assumption that it is possible to understand the determinants and consequences of ideology via a unidimensional conceptualization. We argue that a unidimensional model of ideology provides an incomplete basis for the study of political ideology. We show that two dimensions—economic and social ideology—are the minimum needed to account for domestic policy preferences. More importantly, we demonstrate that the determinants of these two ideological dimensions are vastly different across a wide range of variables. Focusing on a single ideological dimension obscures these differences and, in some cases, makes it difficult to observe important determinants of ideology. We also show that this multidimensionality leads to a significant amount of heterogeneity in the structure of ideology that must be modeled to fully understand the structure and determinants of political attitudes. 相似文献
213.
HAN Zhen 《Frontiers of Philosophy in China》2022,17(1):1
The success of the Chinese path is not an accidental “miracle,” but an inevitable result that conforms to the historical law. In practice, it is inseparable from the diligent and creative work of the Chinese people, the timely formulation of policies by the Communist Party of China and governments at all levels seeking truth from facts, and the change and improvement of policies according to the changes of the situation. In addition to these practical reasons, the success of the Chinese path has very farreaching historical and cultural reasons, which are the metaphysical basis of the Chinese path in a more philosophical sense. Unlike Western culture, which is in a sense a culture of ultimate entities, deep Chinese culture is based on a metaphysical reflection of the existence of a relational system, whereas European culture and Middle Eastern Muslim culture are based on the “origin” and “source” of a single entity or a single “God.” In the West, “God” is the creator of mankind; in China, “heaven” or “emperor” is actually binga symbol of a ruling relationship and has an interactive relationship with the people, which is a very subtle interdependent relationship. It is this concept of “relationship” about the world that endows the Chinese spiritual world with a special resilience on concept of time and historical behavior, because “relationship” can be adjusted and is constantly changing. 相似文献
214.
215.
Although Moral Foundations Theory claims that the foundations of morality are universal, there are still few studies addressing it through non-English measures. In the current research, 540 persons filled out a Swedish translation of the Moral Foundations Questionnaire, and 332 of them filled out political attitude measures. Confirmatory factor analyses suggested that the fit of the five-factor model was better than alternative models but not optimal, replicating previous findings. Concerns with fairness and prevention of harm predicted political identity leftward, mediated mainly by preference for equality, and concerns with loyalty, authority, and sanctity predicted political identity rightward, mediated mainly by resistance to change and system justification, as hypothesized. Fairness and authority concerns were the best predictors of political ideology. 相似文献
216.
Edina Dóci P. Matthijs Bal 《European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology》2018,27(5):558-560
This is a rejoinder to the commentaries on our paper on neoliberalism in work and organizational psychology. In this rejoinder, we provide a summarized response to the commentaries, thereby highlighting three main points: (1) when, where and how does neoliberalism manifest in society and our work as Work and Organizational Psychologists, (2) what is our duty as work and organizational psychologists towards society and our own work, and (3) what do we recommend on the basis of the exchange with the commentators on our paper? 相似文献
217.
218.
《Estudios de Psicología》2013,34(3):271-277
AbstractThe extremely violent activities perpetrated by terrorists initially led to attempts to analyse terrorism as a form of psychopathology. This approach has been quickly replaced by a perspective on terrorism as a group activity propelled to action by an ideology. Ideologies differ in their strength, in turn determined by ideological contents and the adherents' motivations in embracing those contents. Ideological strength may, in turn, determine the extremity of actions (including terrorism) warranted by the ideology in question. Based on this analysis, a broad view on counter-terrorist possibilities is offered related to (1) undermining the perception that terrorism is an effective tool for attaining the group's objectives, and (2) its replacement by a credible alternative (and peaceful) means for doing so. 相似文献
219.
Ito TA Willadsen-Jensen EC Kaye JT Park B 《Journal of experimental social psychology》2011,47(4):818-823
Three studies examined the implicit evaluative associations activated by racially-ambiguous Black-White faces. In the context of both Black and White faces, Study 1 revealed a graded pattern of bias against racially-ambiguous faces that was weaker than the bias to Black faces but stronger than that to White faces. Study 2 showed that significant bias was present when racially-ambiguous faces appeared in the context of only White faces, but not in the context of only Black faces. Study 3 demonstrated that context produces perceptual contrast effects on racial-prototypicality judgments. Racially-ambiguous faces were perceived as more prototypically Black in a White-only than mixed-race context, and less prototypically Black in a Black-only context. Conversely, they were seen as more prototypically White in a Black-only than mixed context, and less prototypically White in a White-only context. The studies suggest that both race-related featural properties within a face (i.e., racial ambiguity) and external contextual factors affect automatic evaluative associations. 相似文献
220.
In this article we synthesize theory and research from several areas of psychology and political science to propose and test a causal model of the effects of threat on political attitudes. Based in part on prior research showing that fear, threat, and anxiety decrease cognitive capacity and motivation, we hypothesize that under high (vs. low) threat, people will seek to curtail open‐ended information searches and exhibit motivated closed‐mindedness (one aspect of the need for cognitive closure). The subjective desire for certainty, control, and closure, in turn, is expected to increase the individual's affinity for political conservatism, insofar as resistance to change and adherence to authority figures and conventional forms of morality are assumed to satisfy these epistemic motives more successfully than their ideological opposites. Consistent with this account, we find in Studies 1a and 1b that putting people into a highly threatened mindset leads them to exhibit an increase in motivated closed‐mindedness and to perceive the world as more dangerous. Furthermore, in Study 2 we demonstrate that a subtle threat manipulation increases self‐reported conservatism (or decreases self‐reported liberalism), and this effect is mediated by closed‐mindedness. In Study 3, we manipulated closed‐mindedness directly and found that high (vs. low) cognitive load results in a greater affinity for the Republican (vs. Democratic) party. Finally, in Study 4 we conducted an experiment involving political elites in Iceland and found that three different types of threat (to the self, group, and system) all led center‐right politicians to score higher on closed‐mindedness and issue‐based political conservatism. Implications for society and for the theory of ideology as motivated social cognition are discussed. 相似文献