In Search of Bandhood: Consultation with Original Music Groups

Original music groups present a unique and under-explored example of self-initiated task groups. The intragroup life and negotiation of creative differences in three diverse original music groups from New York City were explored. Establishment of a shared group ideology and management of organizational tensions, identified in Murnighan and Conlon's study of professional string quartets, appeared central in the bands' cohesion. The role of group therapist, as a band consultant, was examined.     

Governing Institutions,Ideologies, and Gender: Toward the Possibility of Equal Political Representation

U.S. governing institutions, especially Congress, have received limited investigation as gendered institutions. Political representation suffers as a result. Improved theorizing about gender and governing institutions requires discursive shifts. A framework to improve empirical research is advanced. It juxtaposes variants of gender proto-ideologies, masculinism and feminalism, and organizes these pairs according to strands of shared views. These gender strands also compound with the spectrum of governing ideologies, such as social liberalism or neoconservatism. This approach enables nuanced interpretation and explanation, pointing toward potential alliances and sites of transformation for better political representation.     

意识形态重建与自由主义

《大学人文读本》是近年大学语文教育领域内的可贵改革。但作为当前自由主义积极重构意识形态的一个象征性“事件”,它在编排理念、阐释框架以及在具体编排中让什么声音凸显出来和不让什么声音凸显出来等方面,都表现出了比较强烈的意识形态偏见与追求。《读本》反映了自由主义理论的两个误区。知识界应对自由主义保持清醒而独立的认知态度。     

Racial microaffirmations as a response to racial microaggressions: Exploring risk and protective factors

The urgency of the Black Lives Matter movement, and societal inequities emerging amid the COVID-19 pandemic call researchers to better understand the implications of racism in the lives of People of Color. In this paper, we utilize Critical Race Theory (CRT) to extend theorizing on the concept of racial microaffirmations as a response to everyday systemic racism—racial microaggressions. We reframe the psychological concept of risk and protective factors to illustrate the relationship between racial microaggressions and microaffirmations. Our findings identify types of racial microaffirmations experienced by Students of Color at a public four-year institution in California. We explore how these microaffirmations are experienced and the effects they have on the students well-being.     

Free to blame? Belief in free will is related to victim blaming

The more people believe in free will, the harsher their punishment of criminal offenders. A reason for this finding is that belief in free will leads individuals to perceive others as responsible for their behavior. While research supporting this notion has mainly focused on criminal offenders, the perspective of the victims has been neglected so far. We filled this gap and hypothesized that individuals’ belief in free will is positively correlated with victim blaming—the tendency to make victims responsible for their bad luck. In three studies, we found that the more individuals believe in free will, the more they blame victims. Study 3 revealed that belief in free will is correlated with victim blaming even when controlling for just world beliefs, religious worldviews, and political ideology. The results contribute to a more differentiated view of the role of free will beliefs and attributed intentions.     

How Social-Class Background Influences Perceptions of Political Leaders

In this research, we contribute to a nascent literature examining how cues to social class can guide voters' political judgments. Drawing upon and merging a voting-cues framework with the stereotype-content model, we test predictions that, relative to those from high-class backgrounds, candidates from lower- and working-class backgrounds will be perceived to be more ideologically liberal, warmer, and will be evaluated more positively. We test these predictions across four experimental studies (N_Study1 = 200; N_Study2 = 537; N_Study3 = 352; N_Study4 = 654) employing a candidate-evaluation paradigm; participants were presented with basic candidate background information, including cues to candidate class and other demographics, and were asked to read an excerpt from a speech before providing their judgments. Findings reveal that candidates from lower- and working-class backgrounds were perceived to be more liberal and warmer than those from high-class backgrounds. Additionally, we found that lower-class candidates were generally evaluated more positively than high-class candidates, and we found some evidence for evaluations across class to be moderated by participants' political ideology. These effects generally held across candidate gender and race. This work has important theoretical and practical implications offering insight into the social-class gap between the electorate and the largely elite elected policymakers.     

Of unbiased beans and slanted stocks: Neutral stimuli reveal the fundamental relation between political ideology and exploratory behaviour

Fiagbenu et al. (2019, British Journal of Psychology) questioned the nature and extent of ideological differences in learning and behaviour documented by Shook and Fazio (2009, Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 45, 995). We correct a mischaracterization in their depiction of Shook & Fazio’s research, and in doing so, we outline why the original findings represent domain-general ideological differences in attitude-formation processes, rather than simple differences in responses to physical threat. We also report new data that suggest a potential mechanism for the authors’ findings and further highlight the importance of novel, ideologically neutral stimuli when examining fundamental psychological differences between liberals and conservatives.     

Ideology,Doping and the Spirit of Sport

The current World Anti-doping Code can be characterised as a tough approach to doping. In this paper we investigate how the World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA) justifies this tough approach. To this end, WADA advances two justificatory arguments. It maintains, first, that protection of the spirit of sport warrants tough measures and, second, that athletes have voluntarily consented to the Code. We argue that in the way they are presented by WADA, neither of these arguments can withstand scrutiny. In the second part of the paper, we go on to show that these arguments are in fact ideological in nature. The specific aim of these arguments is not to be correct, but rather to distort social reality, because in this way they can be used to ward off any critical discussion of the Code. We conclude that WADA’s interest is to create a façade of justice, not in serving justice itself.     

To honor and obey: Perceptions and disclosure of sexual assault among honor ideology women

The overwhelming majority of rapes goes unreported. To better understand the sociocultural mechanisms behind why underreporting may occur, three studies (total n = 1,481) examine how women's endorsement of honor values influence the perceptions of rape. Using vignettes that varied the closeness of the perpetrator of a sexual assault (i.e., stranger, acquaintance, or husband), we found that women who endorse honor values of womanhood were less likely to label a forced sexual act as “rape” and to suggest that the victim discloses the rape to others, including to the police. This was especially true the closer the victim was to the perpetrator (e.g., husband vs. stranger). Our findings highlight the effects of honor values on perceived sexual assault and the consequences of disclosure, and may aid in understanding barriers to rape reporting and areas for intervention.

     

Thawing Rivalries and Fading Friendships: An Experimental Approach to Rapprochement and Alienation

Although international relations (IR) theorists generally assume that actors update their beliefs about the intentions of adversaries and allies based on structure, costly signaling, and past actions, little is known about how the process of rapprochement between adversaries differs from the process of alienation between allies, particularly with respect to the nature and degree of costly signaling. Furthermore, until recently the role of the individual in these processes has only been engaged by a small number of scholars, and fewer still have integrated this perspective with conventional approaches to rapprochement and alienation. Drawing from findings in social psychology, We present results from an original survey experiment showing that (1) political belief systems are a powerful determinant of how individuals perceive the intentions of other states, more so than an observed state's signaling behavior; (2) there are diminishing returns in increasing the cost of a signal; and (3) hostile signals are more effective in signaling intent than reassuring signals.