Rater Wealth Predicts Perceptions of Outgroup Competence

National income has a pervasive influence on the perception of ingroup stereotypes, with high status and wealthy targets perceived as more competent. In two studies we investigated the degree to which economic wealth of raters related to perceptions of outgroup competence. Raters’ economic wealth predicted trait ratings when (1) raters in 48 other cultures rated Americans’ competence and (2) Mexican Americans rated Anglo Americans’ competence. Rater wealth also predicted ratings of interpersonal warmth on the culture level. In conclusion, raters’ economic wealth, either nationally or individually, is significantly associated with perception of outgroup members, supporting the notion that ingroup conditions or stereotypes function as frames of reference in evaluating outgroup traits.     

Gender differences in personal values of national and local Italian politicians,activists and voters

Theorists of politics of presence postulate that women elected to political office would still hold values similar to ordinary women and therefore represent them better than male politicians. Gender differences in personal values, which underline and give coherence to core political values, have been found among voters: males score higher on self‐enhancement values (power and achievement) and females higher on self‐transcendence values (universalism and benevolence). Our study aims to explore if gender differences in personal values are still present among activists, local and national politicians. We administer a shortened version of the Portrait Values Questionnaire to 233 Italian national politicians (46% females), 425 local politicians (56% females), 626 political activists (44% females), and 3249 ordinary citizens (49% females). Our results confirm only partially politics of presence theory: females at all levels of political involvement score higher in self‐transcendent values that emphasise concern for the welfare of others, but no significant gender differences emerge for self‐enhancement, which favour the pursuit of self‐interest. Our findings support ethical struggles for more balanced gender representation: a higher proportion of women in politics could strengthen the political representation of self‐transcendence values.     

Implicit (and explicit) racial attitudes barely changed during Barack Obama’s presidential campaign and early presidency

As a high-status, omnipresent Black exemplar, Barack Obama and his rise to the presidency of the United States may have induced a cultural shift in implicit racial attitudes, much like controlled exposures to positive Black and negative White exemplars have done in the laboratory (Dasgupta & Greenwald, 2001). With a very large, heterogeneous sample collected daily for 2.5 years prior to, during and after the 2008 election season (N = 479,405), we observed very little evidence of systematic change in implicit and explicit racial attitudes overall, within subgroups, or for particular notable dates. Malleability of racial attitudes - implicit or explicit - may be conditional on more features than the mere presence of high-status counter-stereotypic exemplars.     

教师组织公平感与组织公民行为:工作倦怠的中介作用

采用问卷调查法,检验教师组织公平感与组织公民行为之间关系以及教师工作倦怠在二者之间的作用。通过对来自重庆和湖南郴州共32所中小学1325名教师的调查数据进行层次回归分析、中介效应检验和优势分析,结果显示:学校组织程序公平是教师组织公民行为的显著正向预测变量;教师工作倦怠是教师组织公民行为的显著负向预测变量;教师工作倦怠在教师组织公平感与其组织公民行为关系之间有显著的中介作用,其中热情枯竭和成就丧失的中介效应更为显著。     

Do Strong Group Identities Fuel Intolerance? Evidence From the South African Case

One conventional explanation of intergroup conflict is Social Identity Theory. That theory asserts that strong ingroup sympathies can give rise to outgroup antipathies which in turn fuel intolerance and conflict. While embraced by both macro- and microlevel analysts, this theory actually has not been widely investigated outside a laboratory environment. In this article, I test hypotheses linking group identities with intolerance, based on a 2001 survey in South Africa, a country where group identities have long been politicized. My empirical findings indicate that group identities are not useful predictors of South African intolerance. Indeed, for neither the black majority nor the white minority do ingroup identities activate very much outgroup intolerance. Moreover, group identities are positively, not negatively, correlated with holding a South African national identity. These findings, based on unusually broad indicators of both identity and tolerance, suggest that the causes of group conflict lie elsewhere than in group attachments.     

School Subjects as Social Categorisations

The present study set out to examine school subjects in terms of social categorisations of a child’s educability. A group of academically educated (N = 180) and vocationally educated parents (N = 249) with a child in the third grade of comprehensive school were asked to indicate their child’s strongest and weakest school subject and to give reasons for their choices. The parents’ most frequent choices for both the strongest and the weakest subject turned out to be mathematics and Finnish, which substantiates the pivotal role of the cognitive-verbal competencies in defining the child’s educability. The choices were guided by the child’s gender, so that mathematics was typically regarded as the strongest subject of boys and the weakest subject of girls and conversely, Finnish was regarded as the strongest subject of girls and the weakest subject of boys. The parent’s educational position organised the reasons given for the subject choices so that self-serving attribution was stronger among the academically educated than the vocationally educated parents, suggesting that the parents’ education relates to the trust they place on their child’s educational potential.     

Spheres of Justice within Schools: Reflections and Evidence on the Distribution of Educational Goods

This article argues that there are distinct spheres of justice within education and examines a range of justice norms and distribution rules that characterize the daily life of schools and classrooms. Moving from the macro to micro level, we identify the following five areas: the right to education, the allocation of (or selection into) learning places, teaching–learning practices, teachers’ treatment of students, and student evaluations of grade distribution. We discuss the literature on the beliefs by students and teachers about the just distribution of educational goods in these five domains, and on the practices used in the actual allocation of these goods. In line with normative ‘spheres of justice’ arguments in social theory, we conclude that the ideals of social justice within schools vary strongly according to the particular resource to be distributed. Moreover, these ideals often do not correspond with the practices that actually guide resource distribution in education, which may go some way toward explaining explicit or latent conflicts in this sphere. Justice is a human construction, and it is doubtful that it can be made in only one way – Michael Walzer (1983, p. 5)     

企业员工组织政治认知量表的构建

应用自行研制的组织政治认知调查问卷,通过对29家企业员工共1647名被试的调查,对组织政治认知结构维度进行了探讨。探索性因素分析结果表明,组织政治认知由三个因素构成。三因素结构的结果在验证性因素分析中得到了验证。由此得出结论,组织政治认知有三维结构：自利行为、薪酬与晋升和同事关系。最后,对组织政治认知维度构成和内容进行了讨论     

施特劳斯政治哲学的精神与中国传统之重建

该文认为政治就是以公共权力分配为核心内容的游戏;政治学与政治哲学的根本区别在于政治学研究权力游戏规则的运行规律,而政治哲学则研究权力游戏规则的合法性;古典西方政治哲学所形成的是一种正义传统,而它正与中国古典政治哲学的天道传统相呼应。中国近代所形成的革命文化破坏了我们自己的政治哲学传统,重建我们自己的政治哲学和政治文化传统,是当代中国文化建设的核心任务之一。     

The influence of political climate on job pursuit intentions and the moderating effect of Machiavellianism

Job seekers now have access to a number of internet resources (e.g., social media, chat rooms, and message boards) that provide information about potential employers. These resources provide potential job applicants with extensive amounts of third‐party information about organizations, including information about the extent to which a particular organization's climate can be characterized as being political. Unfortunately, owing to a dearth of research on this topic, it is unclear to what extent such information about an organization's political climate might affect the recruiting process. Therefore, drawing from the Attraction‐Selection‐Attrition model, we considered the extent to which potential job applicants are less (more) likely to pursue jobs in organizations that are perceived as more (less) political. We further identified Machiavellianism as a potential moderator of this relationship, given that this trait reflects the extent to which an individual would “fit” into a highly political work environment. Across three studies, our findings provide evidence that job applicants report being less likely to pursue jobs in organizations characterized by high levels of workplace politics. The results further indicated that Machiavellianism attenuates this negative effect. In light of our findings, we discuss implications for how information that is not controlled by the organization (e.g., information provided by social media or other internet‐based sources) affects job pursuit intentions and the organization's applicant pool.