Cocaine and food deprivation: effects on food-reinforced fixed-ratio performance in pigeons.

Key pecking by 6 pigeons was maintained by a fixed-ratio 30 schedule of food presentation while body weights were 80% of free-feeding weights. Acute administration of cocaine (0.3 to 13.0 mg/kg, i.m.) dose-dependently decreased response rates. Dose-effect curves were shifted to the right when 3 of the 6 pigeons were maintained at 70% of free-feeding weights and were shifted to the left when the other 3 pigeons were maintained at 90% of free-feeding weights. Then a dose of cocaine that initially decreased response rates by more than 95% of control rates was administered before each daily session. Comparable degrees of tolerance to these rate-decreasing effects developed in the two groups. The rate at which responding recovered was relatively rapid for pigeons in the 70% free-feeding-weight group and was slower for 2 of the 3 pigeons in the 90% free-feeding-weight group. When body weights were then increased from 70% to 80% or were decreased from 90% to 80% of free-feeding weight, performance was disrupted initially only for pigeons whose weight went from 70% to 80% of free feeding. In the present experiment the degree of deprivation may have indirectly influenced the degree of tolerance that developed to cocaine's response rate-decreasing effects because it directly influenced the dose chosen to be administered chronically. The degree of deprivation appeared to have a more direct influence on the rate at which tolerance developed.     

Objectifying Sarah Palin: Evidence that objectification causes women to be perceived as less competent and less fully human

Although a great deal of research has examined the effects of objectification on women’s self-perceptions and behavior, empirical research has yet to address how objectifying a woman affects the way she is perceived by others. We hypothesize that focusing on a woman’s appearance will promote reduced perceptions of competence, and also, by virtue of construing the women as an “object”, perceptions of the woman as less human. We found initial experimental evidence for these hypotheses as a function of objectifying two targets - Sarah Palin and Angelina Jolie. In addition, focusing on Palin’s appearance reduced intentions to vote for the McCain-Palin ticket (prior to the 2008 US Presidential election). We discuss these findings in the context of the election and the objectification of women.     

Evaluations of presidential performance: Race, prejudice, and perceptions of Americanism

Earlier research suggests that despite President Obama's election, racial prejudice persists and continues to shape reactions to his presidency. The current work examines the role of Whites’ prejudice in shaping perceptions of Obama's Americanism, and ultimately evaluations of his performance. Specifically, this research proposes that “how American” Obama is perceived will mediate the relationship between racial prejudice and evaluations of his performance for White, but not Black participants and only for Obama and not for Vice-President Biden. Data were collected from 295 Black or White students surveyed 1 year after Obama's election. Supportive of our hypotheses, racial prejudice predicted Whites’ negative evaluations of Obama's performance, and this relationship was mediated by how American Obama was perceived. Additionally, these relationships were not obtained among Black participants or when Blacks or Whites evaluated the Americanism and job performance of Vice-President Biden.     

Free Speech and Multiculturalism In and Out of the Academy

The debate over hate speech in the United States and the accompanying changes in the political culture of the university provides an opportune case to explore the impact of changing norms of free speech on political tolerance toward unpopular groups. I offer a theory of opinion change that identifies the population groups that should be most susceptible to the new norms against hate speech that originated on college campuses around the country in the 1980s. The predictions from this theory are tested using a battery of tolerance items asked repeatedly in General Social Surveys gathered between 1976 and 2000. The analysis shows that the intellectual campaign against hate speech has significantly reduced support for the free speech rights of racists. This retreat in levels of tolerance is most evident among college students who were educated since the mid-1980s, when debates over multiculturalism and political correctness reached their peak. At the same time, levels of tolerance for nonconformist ideas and lifestyles have remained generally high among today's college students and are almost always significantly higher than the national average. The general stability in aggregate levels of tolerance both in the general population and in various demographic groups only serves to highlight the few dramatic changes that have taken place.     

诚信与当代社会文明

诚信是社会三大明发展的共同要求。诚信化对于物质明的意义,一是对信用制度的支持,二是其渗透于经济活动中的诚信理念。社会主义民主政治的本质要求讲“诚”,以诚立信,以信见诚。政治诚信成为当代政治明一块不可缺少的化基石。诚信明是精神明建设的一部分,诚信自身建设如何,关系到精神明的建设。     

Children and Politics: An Empirical Reassessment of Early Political Socialization

Demands for the inclusion of children, the youngest citizens, in democratic decision making are increasing. Although there is an abundance of empirical research on the political orientations of adolescents, there is a paucity of research on younger children's orientations. Our panel study of more than 700 children in their first year of primary school shows that these young children already exhibit consistent, structured political orientations. We examine the distribution and development of political knowledge, issue orientations, and notions of good citizenship. We find achievement differences between subgroups at the beginning of the school year, and these differences do not disappear. Children from ethnic minorities and lower socioeconomic residence areas show relatively less developed political orientations, and they do not improve as much over the school year as other children. Furthermore, normative political orientations and cognitive orientations differ in their development.     

Clarifying the Relationship of Dissociative Experiences to Suicide Ideation and Attempts: A Multimethod Examination in Two Samples

Fears of pain, injury, and death may represent key barriers to acting on suicidal thoughts. Dissociation, which involves a disconnection from one’s body, may reduce fears and sensations of pain associated with harming the body, in turn facilitating suicide attempts. This study examined whether dissociation differentiated individuals with a history of suicide attempts from those with a history of suicide ideation, and investigated whether other relevant constructs explain this relationship. Sample 1 included 754 undergraduates (M_age = 21, 79% female) who completed a battery of self-report measures. Sample 2 included 247 undergraduates (M_age = 19, 74% female) who completed a self-report measure of dissociation, a clinical interview regarding suicide history, and four counterbalanced behavioral pain tolerance tasks. In both samples, dissociation was elevated in lifetime attempters compared to ideators (d = 0.28; d = 0.46; ps = 0.01) and slightly elevated in lifetime ideators compared to nonsuicidal individuals (d = 0.19, p = .02; d = 0.24, p = .47), though this effect was non-significant in the latter sample. In Sample 1, dissociation no longer differentiated attempters from ideators after controlling for clinical covariates. In Sample 2, dissociation was unrelated to behavioral pain tolerance tasks, and these tasks did not account for the association between dissociation and attempts. Overall, dissociation differentiated individuals with a history of suicide attempts from those with ideation alone in both samples. Pain tolerance did not explain this association; instead, it is possible that the relationship of dissociation to suicide attempts is due to “third variables” associated with both phenomena, such as symptoms of borderline personality disorder or posttraumatic stress disorder.     

Free to blame? Belief in free will is related to victim blaming

The more people believe in free will, the harsher their punishment of criminal offenders. A reason for this finding is that belief in free will leads individuals to perceive others as responsible for their behavior. While research supporting this notion has mainly focused on criminal offenders, the perspective of the victims has been neglected so far. We filled this gap and hypothesized that individuals’ belief in free will is positively correlated with victim blaming—the tendency to make victims responsible for their bad luck. In three studies, we found that the more individuals believe in free will, the more they blame victims. Study 3 revealed that belief in free will is correlated with victim blaming even when controlling for just world beliefs, religious worldviews, and political ideology. The results contribute to a more differentiated view of the role of free will beliefs and attributed intentions.     

Motivations for Political Discussion: Antecedents and Consequences on Civic Engagement

Scholarship on informal discussion of politics and current events has mainly focused on its cognitive, attitudinal, and behavioral effects. In comparison, fewer studies have addressed the antecedents of political talk. Using 2‐wave U.S. panel survey data, this study sheds light over 2 sets of motivations people may have for engaging in political conversation: civic‐oriented and social‐oriented goals; and their effects over civic participation. Using structural equation modeling, results suggest that both civic and social motivations are positive predictors of frequency of political discussion, and indirectly associated with civic engagement. From a theoretical perspective, these findings cast political talk as a more complex phenomenon than what deliberative theory suggests, and point to social motivations as an additional path to civic life.     

Aquinas and the Democratic Virtues: An Introduction

Can the theology of Thomas Aquinas serve as a resource for reflection on democratic civic virtue? That is the central question taken up by Mark Jordan, Adam Eitel, John Bowlin, and Michael Lamb in this focus issue. The four authors agree on one thing: Aquinas himself was no fan of democracy. They disagree, though, over whether Aquinas can offer resources for theorizing democratic virtues. Bowlin, Eitel, and Lamb believe he can, and propose Thomistic accounts of tolerance, civic friendship, and democratic hope, respectively. Jordan, in contrast, issues a cautionary note against such enterprises. This divergence is due in part to different judgments about what it would mean to claim certain resources as “Thomistic.” In part, too, it flows from a disagreement about whether Aquinas himself countenances genuine virtues among non‐Christian citizens, and about whether Christians and non‐Christians can be said to share even proximate ends. This conversation is an important one, since accounts of the democratic virtues constructed using Thomistic resources have the potential to move discussions of democratic and theological virtues beyond common impasses.