施特劳斯政治哲学的精神与中国传统之重建

该文认为政治就是以公共权力分配为核心内容的游戏;政治学与政治哲学的根本区别在于政治学研究权力游戏规则的运行规律,而政治哲学则研究权力游戏规则的合法性;古典西方政治哲学所形成的是一种正义传统,而它正与中国古典政治哲学的天道传统相呼应。中国近代所形成的革命文化破坏了我们自己的政治哲学传统,重建我们自己的政治哲学和政治文化传统,是当代中国文化建设的核心任务之一。     

Touching the base: heart-warming ads from the 2016 U.S. election moved viewers to partisan tears

Some political ads used in the 2016 U.S. election evoked feelings colloquially known as being moved to tears. We conceptualise this phenomenon as a positive social emotion that appraises and motivates communal relations, is accompanied by physical sensations (including lachrymation, piloerection, chest warmth), and often labelled metaphorically. We surveyed U.S. voters in the fortnight before the 2016 U.S. election. Selected ads evoked the emotion completely and reliably, but in a partisan fashion: Clinton voters were moved to tears by three selected Clinton ads, and Trump voters were moved to tears by two Trump ads. Viewers were much less moved by ads of the candidate they did not support. Being moved to tears predicted intention to vote for the candidate depicted. We conclude that some contemporary political advertising is able to move its audience to tears, and thereby motivates support.     

纪检干部腐败容忍度与其组织忠诚的关系

探讨在人格调节和工作倦怠中介作用下,纪检干部的腐败容忍度与其组织忠诚度的关系。采用腐败容忍度量表、组织忠诚量表、工作倦怠量表以及大五人格量表对193名纪检干部进行测查,研究结果表明：（1）纪检干部的腐败容忍度与其组织忠诚显著负相关;（2）腐败容忍度能显著负向预测个体组织忠诚度,容忍度越低,组织忠诚度越高;（3）工作倦怠在腐败容忍度和组织忠诚间起部分中介作用;（4）腐败容忍度与组织忠诚的关系受到纪检干部大五人格的调节作用,大五人格中情绪稳定性、外向性水平越高,腐败容忍度与组织忠诚的关系越弱。     

The Secret Lives of Liberals and Conservatives: Personality Profiles,Interaction Styles,and the Things They Leave Behind

Although skeptics continue to doubt that most people are “ideological,” evidence suggests that meaningful left‐right differences do exist and that they may be rooted in basic personality dispositions, that is, relatively stable individual differences in psychological needs, motives, and orientations toward the world. Seventy‐five years of theory and research on personality and political orientation has produced a long list of dispositions, traits, and behaviors. Applying a theory of ideology as motivated social cognition and a “Big Five” framework, we find that two traits, Openness to New Experiences and Conscientiousness, parsimoniously capture many of the ways in which individual differences underlying political orientation have been conceptualized. In three studies we investigate the relationship between personality and political orientation using multiple domains and measurement techniques, including: self‐reported personality assessment; nonverbal behavior in the context of social interaction; and personal possessions and the characteristics of living and working spaces. We obtained consistent and converging evidence that personality differences between liberals and conservatives are robust, replicable, and behaviorally significant, especially with respect to social (vs. economic) dimensions of ideology. In general, liberals are more open‐minded, creative, curious, and novelty seeking, whereas conservatives are more orderly, conventional, and better organized.     

改变“低挫折容忍度”的心理干预及效果评估 —— 一位奥运银牌运动员的个案研究

研究目的是描述对一名奥运选手L在奥运会前一年中进行的心理干预,以改变其“低挫折容忍度”的过程,以及评价这一理性情绪行为疗法与心理技能训练相结合的心理干预的效果。在不同的时间点采用各种评估方法对干预效果进行评估,主要的评估方法包括采用目标获得评价表进行的运动员L自我评估和教练员评估,运动员L、教练员、及搭档的“阶段性总结”评价,以及对L比赛行为的录像资料分析。通过各种评估方法所获得的结果的一致性证明了该干预方法在改变运动员的问题行为方面是有效的。通过对运动员L的问题行为的改变,提升了他在比赛中的运动表现,该运动员与其搭档在2004年雅典奥运会乒乓球男子双打项目上获得了银牌     

What if there were no God? Politically conservative and liberal Christians imagine their lives without faith

A sample of devout Christian adults, ranging widely in political orientation, described what their lives (and the world) might be like had they never embraced faith. Politically conservative Christians (also scoring high on right-wing authoritarianism) tended to imagine a life deficient in impulse control, wherein unrestrained sexual and aggressive urges, addictive behaviors, and human selfishness undermined the social good. By contrast, politically liberal Christians (also scoring low on right-wing authoritarianism) imagined an empty and barren world, devoid of the emotional intensity that makes life worth living. Gender differences were also observed, but they did not interfere with the relation between political orientation and the narrative themes. In accord with theoretical writings regarding normative and humanistic ideologies, the findings suggest that, at least among American Christians, political conservatism may entail a fear of, or strong sensitivity to, the prospects of conflict and chaos, whereas political liberalism may entail an equally strong fear of, or sensitivity to, emptiness.     

不同年龄妇科患者痛阈测试及其临床意义

采用双盲、前瞻性研究,选择90例妇科择期全麻下子宫肌瘤剔除或子宫全切手术患者,ASA分级Ⅰ或Ⅱ级,按年龄分两组,中青年组（A组）50例,年龄25岁～50岁,老年组（B组）40例,年龄60岁-80岁,术前使用电刺激测定并记录患者的痛阈和耐痛阈,观察不同年龄妇科患者痛阈和耐痛阈以及两者之间相关性。结果显示A组与B组痛阈分别为（1．86±0．51）mA和（1．89±0．66）mA差异无统计学意义;A组比B组耐痛阈低分别为（6．16±2．53）mA和（8．40士3．21）mA,差异有统计学意史;A组痛阈与耐痛阈之间有相关性（Spearman相关系数为-0．42,P〈0．05）;B组痛阈与耐痛阈之间无相关性。因此,老年患者耐痛阈升高,中青年患者术前痛阈和耐痛闽均可预测术后疼痛,老年患者术前痛阈不能预测术后疼痛。     

病人自主性与家庭本位主义之间的张力

在中国几千年小农经济和传统文化背景下,个人利益、个人权利一直被置于家庭之下,个人自主性被包含在家庭自主性之内,表现为一种家庭本位主义。源自西方历史、文化的知情同意移植到中国后,受传统文化观念的影响,中国人对知情同意的认知、理解以及实践方式均不同于西方人。这种不同集中表现在人们对家属同意权的认可。以个人本位主义为背景的病人自主性与中国文化中的家庭本位主义之间存在张力。对知情同意在不同文化环境中不同践行方式,应以文化宽容主义的态度对待之。     

Is There a Right to Have Rights? The Case of the Right of Asylum

In dialogue with the political philosophy of Hannah Arendt and Seyla Benhabib the author draws on the idea of a right to have rights and raises the question under which political conditions asylum can be a subjective right for political refugees. He argues that mere spontaneous acts of humanitarianism will not suffice to define the institutional commitments of liberal democracies in refugee policy. At the same time, no duty for any particular state to take up refugees can be derived from a right to have rights. The quest for institutional solutions for a timely migration and asylum policy will rather enhance the discourses on the self-understanding of liberal democracies. With a critical eye on German asylum legislation and legal practice, the author contends that it will be a task of any co-ordinated European right of asylum to define political persecution in relation to the first dimension of human rights in order to differentiate the right of asylum from immigration legislation.