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181.
Kohlberg’s theory of moral development conceives conventional and post-conventional moral reasoning as consecutive levels in a developmental sequence. This claim was examined in terms of the relationship between preference for these two styles of reasoning on the one hand and moral identity as perceived by others (reputation) and as self-perceived and on the other. Participants (n = 172), in groups of four mutual acquaintances, provided ratings of one another’s standing, and estimates of their own standing and reputation, on four trait dimensions (moral responsibility, consideration for others, respect for authority, and political orientation). Post-conventional moral reasoning, assessed using the Defining Issues Test, was not significantly related either to reputation or to self-rating on any dimension except political orientation. Conventional reasoning was related to politics though in the opposite direction, but additionally to both self- and other-ratings of moral responsibility and to the corresponding ratings of respect for authority. Findings do not support the view that the conventional/post-conventional distinction in moral reasoning is a developmental difference. An alternative proposed is that these are independent domains of moral thought, related to quite different aspects of social behaviour and political attitudes.  相似文献   
182.
In the current research, we explore the possibility that politically conservative consumers may anthropomorphize consumer products more than their liberal counterparts. This is possibly because conservatives need to manage uncertainty in the marketplace. One way to do so might be by assigning more human‐like attributes to inanimate products. We test this hypothesis in three studies by measuring (Studies 1 and 2) and manipulating political ideology (Study 3). We find that avoidance of uncertainty (Study 1) and need for order (Study 2) can explain conservatives’ greater anthropomorphism. The effect is stronger for unpredictable than predictable products as the former are associated with greater uncertainty, which conservatives need to manage (Study 3). Also, we report that greater anthropomorphism of products can increase the perceived functionality of the products (Studies 2 and 3), offering implications for marketers. In all, the results offer support for our key hypothesis that conservatives anthropomorphize more; they also provide preliminary support for the role of uncertainty management in conservatives’ greater anthropomorphism of products. In our General Discussion, we discuss alternate explanations for the key effect and present some directions for further research in this area.  相似文献   
183.
IntroductionThe lateral clearance distance of a motorized vehicle while overtaking a cyclist is a key indicator of safety. This lateral clearance distance has never been measured for cyclists transporting a child. Therefore the aim of this study was to investigate the behaviour of motorized vehicles in overtaking cyclists with and without a child on the same bicycle.MethodsThe lateral clearance distance of the overtaking manoeuvres of motorized vehicles was measured using an instrumented bicycle when performing 19 cycling trips on one single road with two different types of cycling infrastructure (a bike lane and shared lane marking) in the Brussels Capital Region (Belgium). Mixed effect regression was used to examine the effect of cycling condition (cyclist without a child [control], cyclist with a child bike seat and cyclist with a child bike trailer) and secondary independent variables (i.e. cycling infrastructure, peak traffic hours and traffic density) on the lateral clearance distance.ResultsThe mean lateral clearance distance in ‘cyclists without child’ was significantly smaller (117.3 cm) than in ‘cyclists with child’ (128.8 cm) (95%CI [7.2;15.9]). Looking at ‘morning peak traffic hours’ (i.e. 7:00 to 9:00 a.m.) a cyclist with child bike seat was overtaken at greater lateral clearance distances than a cyclist with a child bike trailer or a cyclist without child (p=0.041). Furthermore, the percentage of passing manoeuvres under 100 cm was significantly higher in ‘cyclist without child’ (35.3%) in comparison to ‘cyclist with child bike seat’ (21.8%) and ‘cyclist with child bike trailer’ (21.8%) (Chi2=29.19, p<0.001). No significant differences were found between a shared lane marking and bike lane.ConclusionDrivers of motorized vehicles do adapt their overtaking manoeuvre when they overtake cyclists transporting a child, keeping greater and therefore safer lateral clearance distances. In morning peak traffic hours and/or crowded circumstances the child bike seat can be considered as the safest way to transport a child in terms of lateral clearance distance. In general, with 25.3% overtaking manoeuvres under 100cm, police should monitor compliance with the traffic rules with regard to cyclists, and motorists should be more aware of the overtaking traffic rules.  相似文献   
184.
Philosophers have long speculated that authoritarianism and belief in determinism are functionally related. To evaluate this hypothesis, we assessed whether authoritarianism and allied personality and political variables predict varieties of belief in determinism in three community samples (N1 = 566 to 20,010; N2 = 500; N3 = 419). Authoritarianism and allied variables manifested moderate to large positive correlations with both fatalistic and genetic determinism beliefs. Controlling for political conservatism did not meaningfully attenuate these relations. Further, openness was negatively related to fatalistic determinism beliefs and agreeableness was negatively related to genetic determinism beliefs. Taken together, our findings clarify the nature of relations between authoritarianism and general personality, on the one hand, and free will/determinism beliefs, on the other, and suggest intriguing intersections between worldviews and personality traits.  相似文献   
185.
The effects on children of political violence are matters of international concern, with many negative effects well-documented. At the same time, relations between war, terrorism, or other forms of political violence and child development do not occur in a vacuum. The impact can be understood as related to changes in the communities, families and other social contexts in which children live, and in the psychological processes engaged by these social ecologies. To advance this process-oriented perspective, a social ecological model for the effects of political violence on children is advanced. This approach is illustrated by findings and methods from an ongoing research project on political violence and children in Northern Ireland. Aims of this project include both greater insight into this particular context for political violence and the provision of a template for study of the impact of children’s exposure to violence in other regions of the world. Accordingly, the applicability of this approach is considered for other social contexts, including (a) another area in the world with histories of political violence and (b) a context of community violence in the US.  相似文献   
186.
This article confronts growing conservative opposition to abortion based on the claim that abortion is morally equivalent to infanticide. By examining the relationship between moral skepticism and precautionary ethics the article promotes a completely permissive position on abortion from conception to birth while consistently rejecting the possibility that such a position entails permissive implications for infanticide. The article introduces and traces the implicit relationship between moral skepticism, the precautionary principle and political liberalism.
Lawrence TorcelloEmail:
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187.
The rise of the Internet forces scholars to reevaluate the frequency and nature of political information seeking in the contemporary period. The functionality of the Internet makes passive exposure more difficult, and selective information seeking easier, than in the past. However, people may also use the Internet in a new and directed way—to arm themselves with information to express and defend their views either online or in the real world. The central question we explore in this paper is what explains balanced versus biased information seeking in the era of the Internet? We combine insights from Sears and Freedman (1967 ) with newer work on emotion to predict motivated selectivity: focusing specifically on the interaction between anxiety and information utility. Our central theoretical claim is that anxiety does not simply boost any information seeking; it triggers information seeking that is useful for addressing the problem at hand. Anxiety alone, therefore, does not guarantee a balanced information search. When counterattitudinal information is useful for some reason—for example, to defend their own opinions to others who may disagree—anxious citizens should seek it out. As a consequence, these subjects should learn more specific information about where each candidate stands on the issues. In an experiment we find support for these hypotheses. We conclude that while today's flexible Internet environment may permit selectivity, balanced seeking should still occur under a fairly common set of circumstances.  相似文献   
188.
This article deals with the role of bereaved parents' anger as a motivating force for political and public activism. After reviewing the place of anger in the experience of processing loss and bereavement and presenting anger as a factor that leads to public initiative, the article deals with the place that anger occupies in the bereaved sector of Israeli society. The claim is made that Israeli society has changed since its early years, when "the national management of emotions" did not allow anger to be present in the public discourse of bereaved parents, to the current era in which anger is an inseparable part of Israeli bereavement discourse. The following section of the article includes an interpretive analysis of the place of anger among the research subjects, bereaved parents who later became public and political entrepreneurs. All of the research subjects lost a son in one of three circumstances that are part of the Israeli security agenda: operational accidents, terrorist attacks, and IDF combat in Lebanon. Finally, the study attempts to answer how anger structures both public and private bereavement in Israel, shaping the bereaved parents as instant celebrities.  相似文献   
189.
In two studies we analyzed the predictors of participation in an Italian Lulu mobilization, rooted in the Susa Valley, a North-Western Italian valley where a high speed railway (HSR) should be sited. Based on the data of qualitative Study 1, performed interviewing 12 anti-HSR militants and 12 non anti-HSR militants, we hypothesized that Klandermans' (1997) model on participation (centered on group identification, sense of injustice, and collective efficacy) is suitable to predict the Lulu mobilization we studied, and that three contextual variables (community involvement, the perception of the existence of a vast majority in the community favoring the mobilization, and place attachment) may be added to Klandermans' to predict such a mobilization. We formally tested such hypotheses in quantitative Study 2 (representative sample of the people living in the Susa Valley, N =  250). Results supported the role of Klandermans' (1997) variables and confirmed the influence exerted by our contextual variables, thus suggesting that an integration of the two models would be fruitful in the analysis of Lulu mobilizations. Limits and future developments of this research are discussed.  相似文献   
190.
Political campaigns are often characterized by the various events occurring that move the tide in favor of one candidate or another. Each event, depending on which candidate it favors or harms, produces either happiness or sadness for those who care about the outcome. This research examined whether such reactions would hold for events that are misfortunes for other people and even when they negatively affect society more broadly regardless of political party affiliation. Ingroup (i.e. political party) identification was examined as an important moderating variable. In four studies, undergraduate participants gave their emotional reactions to news articles describing misfortunes happening to others (e.g. poor economic news and house foreclosures). Party affiliation and the intensity of ingroup identification strongly predicted whether these events produced schadenfreude.  相似文献   
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