可持续发展的四个难题

实施可持续发展,面对四个难题：一是用明晰产权保持生态环境时遇到的技术难题,二是用科学技术解决生态环境问题时遇到的理性难题;三是克制人们的物质欲望时遇到的人性难题;四是全球合作时遇到的政治难题,提出以上难题并非否定可持续发展,相反,正视问题才能解决问题。     

诚信与当代社会文明

诚信是社会三大明发展的共同要求。诚信化对于物质明的意义,一是对信用制度的支持,二是其渗透于经济活动中的诚信理念。社会主义民主政治的本质要求讲“诚”,以诚立信,以信见诚。政治诚信成为当代政治明一块不可缺少的化基石。诚信明是精神明建设的一部分,诚信自身建设如何,关系到精神明的建设。     

Free to blame? Belief in free will is related to victim blaming

The more people believe in free will, the harsher their punishment of criminal offenders. A reason for this finding is that belief in free will leads individuals to perceive others as responsible for their behavior. While research supporting this notion has mainly focused on criminal offenders, the perspective of the victims has been neglected so far. We filled this gap and hypothesized that individuals’ belief in free will is positively correlated with victim blaming—the tendency to make victims responsible for their bad luck. In three studies, we found that the more individuals believe in free will, the more they blame victims. Study 3 revealed that belief in free will is correlated with victim blaming even when controlling for just world beliefs, religious worldviews, and political ideology. The results contribute to a more differentiated view of the role of free will beliefs and attributed intentions.     

Therapist Factors Matter: A Systematic Review of Parent Interventions Directed at Children’s Behavior Problems

The present review systematically explored research examining the relationship between therapist‐related factors and the outcomes of parent interventions directed at children’s behavior problems. A systematic search of the literature was conducted with online scientific databases, parenting programs, web sites, and bibliographic references of the selected articles, according to PRISMA guidelines. A total of 24 quantitative studies met the inclusion criteria. Although some methodological limitations were identified with respect to the measurement of therapist factors, the reviewed research strongly suggests that the therapist plays a critical role in parent interventions directed at behavior problems. In particular, many parent outcomes are found to be related to the parent–therapist alliance, the therapist’s fidelity to the intervention, specific therapist’s in‐session actions, and the therapist’s personal variables. The parent–therapist alliance and therapist fidelity to the intervention consistently relate to changes in parenting practices, and alliance additionally relates to fewer perceived barriers to participation in treatment, more treatment acceptability, and greater parenting satisfaction and self‐efficacy. In addition, specific in‐session therapist interpersonal actions relate to parents’ engagement and satisfaction, while both the therapist’s interpersonal actions and more active skills relate to parent change. Therapist’s personal variables have been scarcely or poorly studied to date, but the results found justify the need to develop further research in this area. In conclusion, more attention should be given to the role of the therapist when implementing parenting programs directed at behavior problems, and more and better research is needed that can overcome the methodological limitations identified.     

政治的,抑或道德的——对政治自由主义一个关键悖论的解读

政治自由主义试图将其正义观念塑造为纯粹"政治的"观念,而不能是完备性的"道德的"观念。但任何规范性的正义观念似乎都不能不是道德的,这就形成了政治自由主义所面对的一个最根本的悖论。通过分析我们可以看到,政治自由主义要克服这一悖论,必须寻求一种具有自主性的规范性政治概念。此外,政治自由主义把公民的两种道德能力当作理论前提,同时强调道德化的公民美德,这两个因素都加深了这一悖论。通过解释和分析这两种因素所带来的理论难题及其原因,文章认为,"政治的"自由主义之所以难以抹去"道德的"面纱,其根源在于政治在自由主义价值系统中的处境。     

Dispositional antecedents and outcomes of political skill in organizations: A four-study investigation with convergence

We developed a four-study research plan to examine the dispositional antecedents of political skill and its job performance consequences, and also to incorporate the mediating role of reputation, drawing upon a recent theoretical model of political skill in organizations. Study 1 established the psychometric properties of the two reputation scales used in the present research, and also demonstrated the validity of the self-report reputation measure in Study 4. Study 2 tested, and demonstrated support for, the ‘Affability’ dispositional theme as a predictor of political skill, and political skill as predictor of job performance. In Study 3, the political skill-job performance linkage was replicated, but when reputation was investigated as an intermediate linkage, it was found to fully mediate the relationship between political skill and job performance. Study 4 investigated all the linkages examined in Studies 2 and 3, and found that the ‘Active Influence’ dispositional theme predicted political skill, and that the political skill-job performance relationship was fully mediated by reputation. Collectively, these studies demonstrated support for recent theoretical developments in political skill and reputation, suggesting that political skill has dispositional antecedents, and that political skill demonstrates a significant impact on job performance, through reputation. The strengths and limitations of this research are discussed, and directions for future research are provided.     

The Relationship between Cultural Values and Political Ideology, and the Role of Political Knowledge

Cultural theory maintains that four worldviews—egalitarianism, individualism, hierarchicalism, and fatalism—can be used to describe people and societies. We examine survey measures of two of those worldviews—egalitarianism and individualism—to understand their relationship with belief systems. Contrary to what one might expect based on the cultural theory literature, we find that people with low levels of political knowledge seem not to have coherent worldviews regarding these issues. In contrast, people with high levels of political knowledge respond to egalitarianism and individualism questions as if they were opposite ends of a single, liberal-conservative continuum, rather than two of four distinct worldviews. We conclude that cultural theory researchers should take account of the influence of political knowledge whenever they investigate worldviews.     

Objectifying Sarah Palin: Evidence that objectification causes women to be perceived as less competent and less fully human

Although a great deal of research has examined the effects of objectification on women’s self-perceptions and behavior, empirical research has yet to address how objectifying a woman affects the way she is perceived by others. We hypothesize that focusing on a woman’s appearance will promote reduced perceptions of competence, and also, by virtue of construing the women as an “object”, perceptions of the woman as less human. We found initial experimental evidence for these hypotheses as a function of objectifying two targets - Sarah Palin and Angelina Jolie. In addition, focusing on Palin’s appearance reduced intentions to vote for the McCain-Palin ticket (prior to the 2008 US Presidential election). We discuss these findings in the context of the election and the objectification of women.     

Setting the record straight: System justification and rigidity-of-the-right in contemporary Hungarian politics

Despite international concern about the resurgence of right-wing authoritarianism and xenophobic prejudice throughout Central and Eastern Europe, researchers have argued recently that rightists may be less cognitively rigid and system-justifying than liberals and leftists in the context of Hungary (Kelemen, Szabó, Mészáros, László, & Forgas, 2014; Lönnqvist, Szabó, & Kelemen, 2019). We identify shortcomings of the research on which these claims are based and provide evidence that “rigidity-of-the-right” does indeed characterise contemporary Hungarian politics. Specifically, we hired professional survey firms to administer measures of personal needs for order and structure, system justification and political orientation to two large, nationally representative samples in Hungary. Results revealed that self-identified rightists scored higher than leftists on needs for order and structure and system justification (Study 1, N = 1005) and that supporters of right-wing parties (Fidesz and Jobbik) scored higher on both general and economic system justification than supporters of liberal and leftist parties (Study 2, N = 886). In exploratory analyses, we also observed that rightists expressed more intolerance than leftists toward groups that are commonly mistreated in Eastern Europe, including the Roma, religious minorities and sexual minorities.