排序方式: 共有73条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
Melissa M. Hehnen Martin P. Fladerer Frank Mols Dieter Frey 《Political psychology》2023,44(3):475-491
The European Union (EU) faces many challenges. Chief among them are (1) the growing electoral appeal of EU-skeptic parties, (2) the prevalence of negative narratives about the EU, and (3) frequent marginalization of government leaders openly advocating EU membership. It is hence unsurprising that the EU attitude literature focuses heavily on ways in which leaders undermine (rather than bolster) confidence in the EU. The aim of this conceptual article is to fill this void and to shine a spotlight on how leaders seek to restore confidence in the EU. Rather than to merely describe what pro-EU leaders say in public, we propose a conceptual model that combines older EU attitude research (into “nested” social identities and perceived identity compatibility), with more recent social psychology research (into “identity mobilization” and “identity leadership”). By combining insights from both fields, our framework enables us to gain a deeper understanding of why certain pro-EU narratives can be expected to “take hold” and instill faith in the EU among the public at large. The discussion focuses on the implications for EU leadership. 相似文献
62.
Assuming that the principle of an active-self account holds true in real life, priming certain constructs could selectively activate a working self-concept, which in turn guides behavior. The current study involved two experiments that examined the relationships between stereotypic identity, working self-concept, and memory performance in older adults. Specifically, Study 1 tested whether a stereotype threat can affect older adults' working self-concept and memory performance. A modified Stroop color naming task and a separate recognition task showed that a stereotype threat prime altered the activation of the working self-concept and deteriorated the older adults' memory performance. Additionally, the working self-concept mediated the effect of stereotype threat on memory performance. Accordingly, we designed Study 2 to assess whether priming different identities can alter the working self-concept of the elderly and buffer the stereotype threat effect on memory performance. The results not only were the same as Study 1 but also revealed that activating multiple identities could mitigate the stereotype threat. These results support an active-self account and the efficacy of stereotype threat intervention. This intervention strategy may be able to be used in real situations to help the elderly alleviate stereotype threats and memory impairment. 相似文献
63.
ObjectivesTo assess whether a subtle stereotype threat of student-athletes would cause a decrease in both academic effort and performance.DesignA 2 (Male/Female) x 2 (Athlete Prime/No Athlete Prime) design was used to assess effort and performance on a math test.MethodA subtle threat manipulation was used to prime half of 60 NCAA Division III student-athletes with their athletic identity prior to taking a difficult math test.ResultsSupporting the hypotheses, student-athletes who were primed with their athletic identity attempted significantly fewer problems and received lower mean math scores than those who were not primed. Contrary to hypotheses, gender did not impact effort or performance, and there was no evidence of buffering effects of priming non-athlete identities.ConclusionsThe results of this experiment provide evidence for stereotype threat effects across genders and into Division III athletes, which potentially impact student-athlete academic performance. 相似文献
64.
Minas Michikyan Carola Suárez-Orozco 《Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research》2017,17(3):138-155
Using a multiple intersecting identities enactment framework, and a qualitative methodology, this article examined the multiple and intersecting identities immigrant-origin emerging adult women enacted online and explored the meanings they ascribed to these identities (N = 14, M age ≈ 20; 57% = second-generation immigrant). Thematic analyses of 84 narratives revealed that the immigrant-origin emerging adult women enacted a range of identities online including: personal/individual, relational/social, gender, ethnic, civic, student, occupational, and athletic. Personal/individual and relational/social identities were enacted most frequently, and intersected most often. First-generation and second-generation immigrant women were somewhat similar in the rate with which they enacted their identities online. Results showed that second-generation immigrant women enacted their personal/individual, ethnic, and civic identities as well as their intersecting identities online most often. Findings have implications for theory and research about online enactment of multiple and intersecting identities among immigrant-origin youth. 相似文献
65.
Jonatan Kurzwelly 《Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research》2019,19(2):144-156
Despite people’s claims, their national, ethnic and other identities are not ubiquitously relevant, they are rather situationally evoked and performed. Such is the case with the German, Paraguayan and Germanino identity in the municipality of Nueva Germania, in Paraguay. Recognising such contextual epistemic permissibility allows us to form a de-essentialised understanding of groups and individuals. One of the challenges that emerge from this approach, is to understand how a person can perform different identities, which differently define who they are, while remaining certain of being a continuous and persistent person. The objective of this article is to provide a theoretical grounding for theories of social identity in theories of personal identity. It allows us to analytically accommodate the situational and multiscalar character of identities, while recognising their existential importance for personal identity (for the Self). 相似文献
66.
Orla T. Muldoon Karen Trew Jennifer Todd Nathalie Rougier Katrina McLaughlin 《Political psychology》2007,28(1):89-103
National and religious identification processes can be seen as the basis of the conflict in Northern Ireland, and over the course of the conflict preferred social and political identities became increasingly oppositional and entrenched. This paper reviews this evidence using population-level studies of self-categorized national and religious identity. In an attempt to explore the bases of these identities, two interrelated qualitative studies examining the constructions of national and religious identification are reported. The findings presented suggest the continuing predominance of national and religious identities that have generally been constructed as opposing. Evidence of complete overlap of the identities is evidenced in conflation of religion and nationality in adolescents' essays. Theoretical sampling of adults living on the border between Northern Ireland, the republic of Ireland, and those in mixed marriages highlight the strategic use of national and religious identities that may act to support divisions in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. 相似文献
67.
The challenge facing the authors was to develop a relationship with members of the Transgender community in a large urban city in order to develop research that would benefit this group. The situation is presented from the differing perspectives of the three women involved (one Transgender woman and two biological women); they provide their accounts of a meeting with key members of the Transgender community where the challenge became apparent. During the meeting, the issue of representation arose resulting in a discussion of whether the research agenda should be focused on a specific subgroup under the Transgender umbrella or be open to all members of this diverse and underserved group. Reflections on what was learned about the diversity of individuals under the Transgender umbrella and the lessons that helped them respond to the challenge are discussed. 相似文献
68.
Radical activist organizations face the complex task of managing their identity so as to draw political attention but also to appear legitimate and thus gain public support. In this article we develop a picture of the identities of Sea Shepherd Conservation Society (SSCS) members, a group mostly known for their direct action against whaling, via a thematic analysis of material from the SSCS website and interviews with SSCS members. In online commentary, founder Captain Paul Watson establishes several deliberately paradoxical notions of who the Sea Shepherds are. We relate these identity statements to interviews with core activists to examine how they manage the identity conflicts resulting from the group identity, such as being seen as “pirates” and “hard lined vegans.” We found that SSCS positions themselves as a diverse and unstructured organization, yet distinctively passionate and willing to take action where others will not. The implications of this research are discussed in relation to the importance of understanding the constraints and conflicts around political activist identities. 相似文献
69.
Nick Hopkins 《Political psychology》2011,32(2):251-270
Minorities may define themselves at a superordinate (e.g., national) level and also at a subgroup (minority) level. However, others' recognition of such dual identifications cannot be guaranteed. This paper investigates how members of a minority (Muslims in the UK) constructed their superordinate and subgroup identities in such a way as to assert a commonality with British non‐Muslims whilst asserting their religious subgroup's distinctiveness. Reporting qualitative data obtained through interviews (N = 28), the analysis explores how British Muslims negotiated concerns over commonality and distinctiveness through describing themselves as being British in a Muslim way. The implications of these self‐definitions for the theorization of dual identities, their recognition, and intergroup relations are discussed. 相似文献
70.
Kaarina Aitamurto 《宗教、国家与社会》2019,47(2):198-213
ABSTRACTTransnational Islam is increasingly presented in the Russian political rhetoric as a security threat. Therefore, Russian politicians and authorities attempt to support indigenous or national forms of Islam. Similar policies are implemented in several western European countries. Yet they tend to disregard the heterogeneity of the Muslim community, they create exclusions and they are often conceived as imposing outside evaluations and interpretations on Islam. This contribution analyses initiatives intended to develop a national Islam in post-Soviet Russia. While the aims, methods and problems in different countries are often quite similar, the values and norms underlying these initiatives vary and reflect the societies from which they emerge. This contribution argues that since the 1990s, the changes in the political line of the Kremlin have impacted the project for a ‘national’ Islam by placing less emphasis on liberal values and more emphasis on adherence to loyalism and political conservatism. 相似文献