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521.
Empirical research shows decisions about time are often made differently than decisions about money, belying the oft-quoted maxim that “time is money”. However, there are organizational practices such as payment on the basis of time that can make the equivalence of time and money salient and are associated with an economic evaluation of time. Study 1 showed that people paid by the hour applied mental accounting rules to time that are typically only applied to money. Using data from a nationally representative survey, Study 2 documented that people paid by the hour weighed economic returns more strongly in making tradeoffs between time and money. Study 3 showed that participants’ prior exposure to hourly payment was associated with a greater willingness to trade more time for money and that participants randomly assigned to calculate their hourly wage rate expressed greater willingness to trade more time for money. The interaction of prior experience with whether or not participants calculated an hourly wage in predicting participants’ willingness to trade more time for money was fully mediated by the salience of economic criteria in participants’ decision-making. 相似文献
522.
帛书《易传》中的《昭力》篇虽然字效较少,但其结构完备,内涵清晰,属于帛书《易传》中十分具有特色的一篇释文。然而由于其篇末的字数标记,许多学者认为《昭力》与《缪和》属于一篇文章。亦有的学者认为《昭力》中论及“卿大夫”与“国君”,乃以《易》论政,属于政治论的范畴,不属于解《易》范畴。笔者通过研究《昭力》对卦爻辞的解读,认为《昭力》恰恰是一篇独立成章的解《易》文章,而且其所体现的是与帛书《易传》其他篇章不尽相同的解《易》理念,其“六经注我”的解释学理念也是我国典籍中出现较早的。《昭力》篇的研读对于我们认识孔子的政治论点与易学观念都有着十分积极的意义。 相似文献
523.
Stephen Benedict Dyson 《Political psychology》2007,28(6):647-666
In the Vietnam and Iraq conflicts, British Prime Ministers were asked to contribute forces to an American‐led war that was deeply unpopular in the United Kingdom. This presented Harold Wilson and Tony Blair with conflicting incentives and constraints: to support their senior ally or to make policy based upon domestic considerations. Why did Harold Wilson decline to commit British forces while Tony Blair agreed to do so? With situational factors generating conflicting predictions, I argue that investigation of individual‐level variables is necessary. In particular, I suggest that leaders vary systematically in their willingness to subordinate the concerns of constituents to strategic imperatives, and that introducing the leadership style categories of “constraint challenger” and “constraint respecter” can make more determinate the linkage between domestic politics and strategic concerns. 相似文献
524.
Further Validation of a Need-based Quality-of-work-life (QWL) Measure: Evidence from Marketing Practitioners 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1
Dong-Jin Lee Anusorn Singhapakdi M. Joseph Sirgy 《Applied research in quality of life》2007,2(4):273-287
This study further validates a need-based measure of quality of work life (QWL) developed by Sirgy et al. (Soc Indic Res 55:46–56,
2001). We conceptualized the QWL construct in terms of employee satisfaction with two sets of major needs: lower- and higher-order
needs. Lower-order needs comprise health/safety needs and economic/family needs. Higher-order needs involve social needs,
esteem needs, self-actualization needs, knowledge needs, and aesthetic needs. The results from a survey of marketing professionals
largely supported the construct validity and predictive validity of the QWL measure. As expected, QWL has a positive influence
on esprit de corps, job satisfaction, and organizational commitment among marketing managers. Managerial implications and
directions for future research are also discussed. 相似文献
525.
在回顾早期组织结构研究的基础上,阐述近年来信息技术的发展对企业组织结构设计及研究的影响,简要介绍一些组织结构新模式,揭示信息技术影响下,企业必须建立新型的组织结构来适应新环境. 相似文献
526.
Leonie Huddy 《Political psychology》2001,22(1):127-156
Interest in the concept of identity has grown exponentially within both the humanities and social sciences, but the discussion of identity has had less impact than might be expected on the quantitative study of political behavior in general and on political psychology more specifically. One of the approaches that holds the most promise for political psychologists is social identity theory, as reflected in the thinking of Henri Tajfel, John Turner, and colleagues. Although the theory addresses the kinds of problems of interest to political psychologists, it has had limited impact on political psychology because of social identity theorists' disinclination to examine the sources of social identity in a real world complicated by history and culture. In this review, four key issues are examined that hinder the successful application of social identity theory to political phenomena. These key issues are the existence of identity choice, the subjective meaning of identities, gradations in identity strength, and the considerable stability of many social and political identities. 相似文献
527.
Ralph Weber 《Frontiers of Philosophy in China》2013,8(1):99
Chinese philosophy in the twentieth century has often been related to some sort of cultural or other particularism or some sort of philosophical universalism. By and large, these still seem to be the terms along which academic debates are carried out. The tension is particularly manifest in notions such as “Chinese philosophy,” “Daoist cosmology,” “Neo-Confucian idealism,” or “Chinese metaphysics.” For some, “Chinese metaphysics” may be a blatant contradictio in adiecto, while others may find it a most ordinary topic to be discussed at the beginning of the twenty-first century. In this article, I set out to examine two major discourses in which talk about “metaphysics” is frequent and popular and to which talk of “Chinese metaphysics” may wish to contribute: the history of philosophy and analytic philosophy. My contention is that it is usually far from obvious what reasons are behind putting “Chinese metaphysics” on the academic agenda and to what precise purpose this is done. What my discussion seeks to highlight is the as yet often largely unarticulated dimension of the politics of comparative philosophy—of which talk about “Chinese metaphysics” may but need not be an example. 相似文献
528.
赵汀阳 《Frontiers of Philosophy in China》2008,3(2):163-176
Fei Xiaotong's thoughts on the Confucian system of interpersonal relationships actually indicated that the Confucian theory
of social cooperation leads itself to an unsettled paradox, that is, there is a lack of universal theoretical construction
in the Confucian moral system. Confucian theory does not extend beyond practical circumstances. Instead, its universal principles
always disappear in specific circumstances. Because of its long established position in mainstream dialogue, Confucianism
failed to reflect on its flaws, but this paradox has been revealed in the face of modern challenges.
Translated by Yan Xin from Zhongguo Renmin Daxue Xuebao 中国人民大学学报 (Journal of Renmin University of China), 2007, (1): 15–21 相似文献
529.
Christine Helmer 《Dialog》2017,56(3):218-222
Lutheran theology is noted for its excellent contributions to historical theology. Contemporary times, however, require that Lutheran theologians become attuned to the urgent demands of the present and take up the discipline of constructive theology to address these demands. Taking the lead from contemporary feminist Lutheran theologians, constructive approaches utilizing Lutheran theological resources must articulate vigorous critique of a corrosive neo‐liberal culture by articulating divine judgment on human greed as well as witnessing to divine grace that always favors truthful living. 相似文献
530.
Identity,Inequality, and Legitimacy: Religious Differences in Primary School Completion in Sub‐Saharan Africa
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Nicolette D. Manglos‐Weber 《Journal for the scientific study of religion》2017,56(2):302-322
This study uses survey data from 17 countries in Sub‐Saharan Africa, along with country‐level indicators, to examine the relationship between religious identity and the odds of completing primary schooling, as a key aspect of socioeconomic inequality. The results reveal a significant and robust schooling disadvantage for Muslims and those of traditional African faiths both relative to Christians at the aggregate level as well as within 13 country samples. This effect is seen in both rural and urban areas and is slightly smaller among men versus women, though it is still large and significant. The effect is also larger in countries in West Africa, with greater Muslim populations, with cooperative church‐state relations, and with mandatory religious education in schools. I interpret these results to indicate greater obstacles to the establishment of the legitimacy of the formal school system among Muslim and traditionalist families and communities, as a still troublesome legacy of the historical links between Christian missionization and the colonial project. 相似文献