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181.
赵国军  张国礼 《心理科学》2003,26(5):808-811
不同的归因方式将导致人们对行为的不同预测倾向。本文正是基于这样的假设,来考察在信息匮乏的情况下,性情归因和情景归因对他人积极行为和消极行为的预测倾向的影响。结果发现,两种归因方式都导致被试对积极行为的预测多于对消极行为的预测,而情景归因下的被试对积极行为的预测又显著多于性情归因下的被试。在此基础上,在引人价值判断的因素后,发现不同的归因方式启动了不同的价值判断,进而影响到对行为的预测。  相似文献   
182.
中学生学业成就归因与学习动力的相关研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
用自编问卷对913名中学生学业成就归因和学习动力状况进行了调查,发现: (1)整体上看中学生较多使用内在原因和可控原因解释自己的学习成绩; (2)不同性别和不同年级学生有不同的归因倾向; (3)归因倾向与学习动力有明显联系,使用因子分析法得到“自挫因子”对学习动力有很大的消极影响。本文还就如何进行归因训练进行了讨论。  相似文献   
183.
We hypothesized that provocation and readiness to aggress (Retaliatory Motivation) would increase the tendency to construe the ambiguous actions of others as reflecting hostile intent. Male undergraduates were either verbally provoked or not provoked by a male experimenter and half were led to believe that they would be allowed to retaliate anonymously against the provoker in the form of a potentially damaging written evaluation. Participants then rated the hostility and aggressive intent of the characters in brief ambiguous scenarios of interpersonal conflict. According to prediction, men who were provoked and anticipated retaliation against their provoker rated the scenarios as containing hostility and aggression to a significantly greater extent than did non‐provoked or merely provoked participants. Results are discussed within a motivation‐based affective relevance model of perception. Aggr. Behav. 29:155–172, 2003. © 2003 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.  相似文献   
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The causes of and contributors to negative emotions have been areas of interest in psychology for decades. Recent work has shown a variety of negative emotions, including anger and depression, to be related. The present study investigated the effects of power, attributional style, and gender on anger and depression using a series of narrative mood inductions presented to 120 undergraduates. Results indicated that participants in the external attribution and low power conditions demonstrated significantly higher levels of postinduction anger than those in other conditions. In addition, the influence of internal attributions on postinduction depression scores approached significance. The effectiveness of the study's mood induction methodology is discussed and suggestions are made for future research.  相似文献   
187.
采用问卷法,对小学3~5年级179名高自控和188名低自控儿童的控制归因、自控期望特征进行比较研究。研究结果表明;(1)高自控儿童易做内归因,低自控儿童易做外归因;随年龄增长,儿童内归因的准确性提高;男生比女生更易采用外归因,内归因的性别差异不显著。(2)高自控儿童自控期望高,低自控儿童自控期望低;随年龄增长,儿童的自控期望增强;各年级男生都比女生自控期望低,儿童中低自控男生自控期望最低。  相似文献   
188.
IntroductionTwo important risk factors for abnormal neurodevelopment are preterm birth and neonatal hypoxic ischemic encephalopathy. The new revisions of Griffiths Mental Development Scale (Griffiths-II, [1996]) and the Bayley Scales of Infant Development (BSID-II, [1993]) are two of the most frequently used developmental diagnostics tests. The Griffiths-II is divided into five subscales and a global development quotient (QD), and the BSID-II is divided into two scales, the Mental scale (MDI) and the Psychomotor scale (PDI).The main objective of this research was to establish the extent to which developmental diagnoses obtained using the new revisions of these two tests are comparable for a given child.Material and methodsRetrospective study of 18-months-old high-risk children examined with both tests in the follow-up Unit of the Clinic of Neonatology of our tertiary care university Hospital between 2011 and 2012. To determine the concurrent validity of the two tests paired t-tests and Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients were computed. Using the BSID-II as a gold standard, the performance of the Griffiths-II was analyzed with receiver operating curves.Results61 patients (80.3% preterm, 14.7% neonatal asphyxia) were examined. For the BSID-II the MDI mean was 96.21 (range 67–133) and the PDI mean was 87.72 (range 49–114). For the Griffiths-II, the QD mean was 96.95 (range 60–124), the locomotors subscale mean was 92.57 (range 49–119). The score of the Griffiths locomotors subscale was significantly higher than the PDI (p < 0.001). Between the Griffiths-II QD and the BSID-II MDI no significant difference was found, and the area under the curve was 0.93, showing good validity. All correlations were high and significant with a Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient >0.8.ConclusionsThe meaning of the results for a given child was the same for the two tests. Two scores were interchangeable, the Griffiths-II QD and the BSID-II MDI.  相似文献   
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The primary purpose of government is to secure public goods that cannot be achieved by free markets. The Coordination Principle tells us to consolidate sovereign power in a single institution to overcome collective action problems that otherwise prevent secure provision of the relevant public goods. There are several public goods that require such coordination at the global level, chief among them being basic human rights. The claim that human rights require global coordination is supported in three main steps. First, I consider Pogge's and Habermas's analyses as alternatives to Hobbesian conceptions of justice. Second, I consider the core conventions of international law, which are in tension with the primacy of state sovereignty in the UN system. Third, I argue that the just war tradition does not limit just causes for war to self‐defense; it supports saving innocent third parties from crimes against humanity as a just reason for war. While classical authors focused less on this issue, the point is especially clear in twentieth‐century just war theories, such as those offered by the American Catholic bishops, Jean Elshtain, Brian Orend, and Michael Walzer. Against Walzer, I argue that we add intractable military tyranny to the list of horrors meriting intervention if other ad bellum conditions are met. But these results require us to reexamine the “just authority” of first resort to govern such interventions. The Coordination Principle implies that we should create a transnational federation with consolidated powers in place of a treaty organization requiring near‐unanimity. But to be legitimate, such a global institution must also be directly answerable to the citizens of its member states. While the UN Security Council is inadequate on both counts, a federation of democracies with a directly elected executive and legislature could meet both conditions.  相似文献   
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