Measuring the visual angle of the mind's eye

People in these experiments claimed to be able to imagine moving only a given distance toward some imaged object before it seemed to “overflow,” not remaining all visible at once in their mental images. In addition, the larger the imaged object, the further away it seemed at the point of overflow. Although the angle subtended by the imaged objects at the point of overflow did not vary systematically with the size of the object, it did vary with different stimuli and instructions. These disparities in the size of the angle estimated seemed partly due to differences in criterion of “overflow”: Images seem to fade off gradually toward the periphery and not to occur in a spatial medium with sharply defined edges. When subjects were given a relatively strict definition of “overflow,” similar estimates of the “visual angle of the mind's eye” were obtained with three distinct methods: (1) Asking subjects to estimate the apparent distance at which an imaged horizontal ruler began to overflow; (2) Measuring how much time subjects required to scan across each degree of an imaged line, and then inferring the maximal angle from the time required to scan an image of a longest nonoverflowing line; and, (3) Simply asking subjects to hold up their hands to indicate the subjective size of an image of the longest possible nonoverflowing line. Finally, the maximal subjective size of images seemed related to the scope of “focal” vision, and images tended to be constructed spontaneously at about the maximal size.     

The development of cognitive mapping of the large-scale environment

Two experiments were conducted to investigate the development of children's cognitive maps of large-scale environments. Kindergarten (Mean Age = 5?7), second (Mean Age = 7?7), and fifth (Mean Age = 10?7) graders walked through a large model town and were then required to construct the layout of building in that model from memory. Accuracy of construction increased as a function both of developmental level and repeated encounters with the layout. In Experiment 1, the separate effects of repeatedly walking through the town and repeatedly constructing it both increased the accuracy of the children's reconstructions. In Experiment 2, walking through the environment was no more effective than merely viewing it repeatedly. Young children's accuracy in bounded space (Experiment 1) was far more accurate than their performance in unbounded space (Experiment 2), while older children's accuracy was relatively unaffected by this variable.     

Social judgments of spurious and causal relations between attributes and outcomes

People can learn about relations between attributes and outcomes by observing the attributes and outcomes of others, but, as this experiment indicates, such learning is not always veridical. Each subject received information about the ages, educations, and salaries of groups of employees in a fictitious corporation. Within a group, either age or education was related to salaries and the two attributes were either orthogonal or correlated. In each case, subjects judged the strength of the causal relation between each attribute and salaries. The results confirmed our hypothesis that observers are more likely to view a causally relevant attribute as irrelevant, and a causally irrelevant attribute as relevant, when relevant and irrelevant attributes are correlated. However, this tendency seemed to be mediated by subjects' bias to prefer education as an explanation of salary differences: That is, when age and education were correlated, subjects tended to view education as relevant even when it was irrelevant and age as irrelevant even when it was relevant. The results suggest that when attributes are correlated, factors extraneous to observed data may have a major influence on inferred attribute-outcome associations.     

Effects of threat and failure on concern for others

A state measure of social interest or concern for others was developed from an existing trait measure. The state measure was significantly correlated with the trait scale and with volunteering to help others in need. Replicating previous research on the relationship between affect and altruistic behavior, social interest was significantly correlated with affective arousal in three studies comprising a total of 259 subjects. Failure on an ego-involving task and theaanticipation of a midterm examination both resulted in significant reductions in social interest. Results supported the hypothesis that negative affect resulting from personal threat typically produces increased concern for self along with decreased concern for the interests of others, thereby resulting in reductions of altruistic behavior. The potential relevance of social interest to relationships between stressful conditions and other aspects of interpersonal behavior was discussed.     

Development in moral judgment as indicated by rejection of lower-stage statements

Previous failures of preference rating scales to identify developmental differences in moral judgment may have occurred because the focus was on acceptance of high-stage reasons rather than on consistent rejection of lower-stage reasons. Attention focused on seventh-, ninth-, and eleventh-grade students' (N = 178) rejection of the lower-stage statements that they presumably comprehend but have to varying degrees dropped from their spontaneous-production repertoire. Students rated the adequacy of the reasons presented in statements written to exemplify Kohlberg's stages 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5. Ratings of Stage 1, 2, 3, and 4 statements showed clear age discrimination (all p's < .001). As in previous preference studies, higher-stage items produced no significant age differences. Implications for evaluation of change studies were noted.     

Developmental changes in free recall: The interaction of task structure and age

Free-recall learning and organization were measured for 3rd, 7th, and 11th graders under conditions which varied the type and amount of task structure. Task structure for the input or list-presentation phase was manipulated by using a random, constant, or alphabetic item sequence across trials. Task structure for the output or recall phase was manipulated by providing standard instructions or instructions which suggested the possible use of an alphabetic ordering scheme. Recall performance and organization showed an interaction between age and both manipulations of task structure. The 3rd graders required the maximal amount of task structure (alphabetic order with alphabetic instructions) to demonstrate recall facilitation relative to the completely unstructured control condition. The 7th graders showed recall facilitation for intermediate and high levels of task structure, and the 11th graders showed recall facilitation for low, intermediate, and high levels of task structure. The results are related to current hypotheses about developmental changes in recall performance and their relationship to changes in the systematic use of organizational strategies.     

Higher Pantheism

Romantic sensibility and political necessity led Humphry Davy, Britain's most prominent scientist in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, to pantheism: nature worship, involving for him a fervent belief in the immortality of the soul. Rapt with a vision of sublimity, from mountain tops or balloons, men of science in succeeding generations also found in pantheism a reason for their vocation and a way of making sense of their world. It should be seen as an alternative both to active participation in church life (like Faraday's) and to a gritty agnosticism (like Huxley's), indicating again how subtle and complex relationships were between science and religion in the nineteenth century.     

Love and the Problem of Evil

The focus of this paper is the virtual certainty that much of what we must prize in loving any human person would not have existed in a world that did not contain much of the evil that has occurred in the history of the actual world. It is argued that the appropriate response to this fact must be some form of ambivalence, but that lovers have reason to prefer an ambivalence that contextualizes regretted evils in the framework of what we welcome in human life.

Jung before Freud, not Freud before Jung: the reception of Jung's work in American psychoanalytic circles between 1904 and 1909

A review is first presented of the new Jung scholarship – that Jung is to be properly understood, not as a disciple of Freud, but as the twentieth century exponent of the symbolic hypothesis in the tradition of the late nineteenth century psychologies of transcendence. This is followed by an outline of the so-called French-Swiss-English and American psychotherapeutic alliance, of which Jung was a part, and the cross-cultural mediumistic psychology of the subconscious it promoted, chiefly through the works of William James, F. W. H. Myers, and Théodore Flournoy. Focusing on the experimental work of the Swiss-American pathologist Adolph Meyer and the American neurologist Frederick Peterson, evidence is then produced to show that Jung, before Freud, was more important in American psychotherapeutic circles. His experimental researches into the association method and the psychogalvanic reflex, his study of mediums and connection to Swiss psychiatry had numerous unique alliances with the American scene, particularly because of their similar historical relation between psychology and religion. Therefore, to understand Jung, one must consider the archetypal significance which America held for Jung's own individuation process, as well as the Americanization of Jungian ideas that followed.