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91.
92.
Esmat Babaii 《Ethics & behavior》2017,27(3):240-258
In this study, we investigated the ability of Iranian students of applied linguistics to discern plagiarism in writing, their perceptions of its ethical aspects, their characterizations of plagiarists, and their perspectives on why they may commit plagiarism. In so doing, a slightly revised version of Deckert’s 1993 questionnaire, collecting both quantitative and qualitative data, was electronically distributed among 156 graduate students of applied linguistics. The results of the quantitative data analysis revealed some understanding of the concept but an inconsistent performance in recognizing plagiarism. Regarding issues of ethics and fairness, they were concerned with their own needs along with the original writer’s rights more than with rights of their classmates, colleagues, or teachers. They regarded unfamiliarity with the concept and nature of plagiarism as the main reason for committing it. The analysis of the qualitative data yielded the following reasons for students’ plagiarism: students’ unfamiliarity with plagiarism, students’ low academic writing skills, teachers’ carelessness and leniency, students’ lack of time, students’ laziness and deceitfulness, educational system and its policies, students’ low language proficiency, students’ unfamiliarity with the subject of writing, and teachers’ high expectations. In conclusion, some suggestions are offered as to how to decrease the rate of plagiarism. 相似文献
93.
The effects of different types of intimate partner violence (IPV) on mental health are understudied. The aim of this study was to analyse the association between women’s mental health and physical, psychological and sexual IPV. We invited subjects of a population-based survey conducted in 2015 in Rasht, Iran, on IPV against women to complete the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-28). The present research study is a secondary study based on these data and archival data from the 2015 study. For analysis, multivariate analysis of covariance was used. Additionally, predictors of IPV were evaluated using linear regression. A total of 2091 married women were surveyed. The participants were divided into abused women (n = 512, 24.5%) and non-abused women (n = 1579, 75.5%). The pattern of IPV among our patients showed more instances of psychological aggression than physical assault, sexual coercion or injury. Our results show that the non-psychotic psychiatric disorders of the victims were significantly impaired in all aspects, including somatic symptoms, anxiety/insomnia, social dysfunction, and depression. Except social dysfunction, the psychological and sexual abuse were significant predictors of other aspects of mental health. Our findings suggest that risk of IPV is high in this population. They also indicate that various forms of abuse are different from each other in terms of predicting a victim’s mental health. Different strategies may be required to reduce and prevent this violence. Additional research is needed to confirm and expand upon our findings. 相似文献
94.
Todd Nicholas Fuist 《Journal for the scientific study of religion》2015,54(3):523-539
There has been much work on the effects that individual prayer has on a variety of social‐psychological indicators, yet there remains a lack of research on collective prayer. While it is tempting to assume that collective prayer may be analyzed as the aggregate of individual prayers, the research presented in this article suggests that worshipers pray differently when in community than when by themselves. To understand the role of collective prayer in the practices of faith communities, I draw on work on group culture and ritual to create a framework for analyzing collective prayer. I assert that collective prayer represents a meaningful social performance that locates those conducting it within wider fields of meaning. I conclude with suggestions for future work, including examining how collective prayer acts as an element of conflict as well as unity. 相似文献
95.
Moral Conviction and Political Engagement 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The 2004 presidential election led to considerable discussion about whether moral values motivated people to vote, and if so, whether it led to a conservative electoral advantage. The results of two studies—one conducted in the context of the 2000 presidential election, the other in the context of the 2004 presidential election—indicated that stronger moral convictions associated with candidates themselves and attitudes on issues of the day uniquely predicted self-reported voting behavior and intentions to vote even when controlling for a host of alternative explanations (e.g., attitude strength, strength of party identification). In addition, we found strong support for the hypothesis that moral convictions equally motivated political engagement for those on the political right and left and little support for the notion that a combination of morality and politics is something more characteristic of the political right than it is of the political left. 相似文献
96.
伊斯兰教的兴起不但解决了穆斯林的信仰、伦理道德、行为规范、精神生活等问题,而且解决了民族命运、社会兴衰、阿拉伯半岛的统一等问题。本文试图通过对伊斯兰初创时期阿拉伯半岛外部形势和内部社会矛盾的深度剖析,探讨伊斯兰伦理道德形成初期的政治历史背景。 相似文献
97.
The concept of the artes liberales originates in antiquity and was, especially in the Anglo-Saxon area and during the 17th and 18th centuries, remodelled into a socially, educationally, and politically modern educational concept. In this process, the progress within the empirical sciences and the formation of an early civil public are of the utmost importance. In the course of these transformations, the absolute force of church and state is called into question; educational concepts which have to be called modern emerge from it. 相似文献
98.
Collective Identities of Class and Gender: Working-Class Women in the Pittston Coal Strike 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Karen Beckwith 《Political psychology》1998,19(1):147-167
This article investigates the intersections and tensions between two collective identities, those of class and gender, for working-class women involved in supporting the 1989–1990 strike against Pittston Coal Group in southwestern Virginia. In the case of this year-long (and ultimately successful) strike, women were organized by United Mine Workers of America (UMWA) staff in strike support activities, but they also sought to organize themselves as women. The tensions between their identity as members of the working class and their identity as women are revealed by examining their forms of activism, their relationship with the UMWA, the divisions between groups of activist women, and the articulation of women's involvement in the strike. The experiences of these women are briefly compared with women's activism in the 1984–1985 British Coal strike. The article concludes by arguing that collective identity is best understood as it emerges in response to specific contexts. 相似文献
99.
Randall R. Curren 《Studies in Philosophy and Education》1993,11(4):293-311
This paper develops an interpretation and analysis of the arguments for public education which open Book VIII of Aristotle's Politics, drawing on both the wider Aristotelian corpus and on examination of continuities with Plato's Laws.
Part I: The paper opens with the question of why Aristotle would say that no one will doubt that education should be the concern of the legislator, and Sections I–III identify the nature of his enterprise in the Politics, the audience he wishes to address, the conclusions he seeks to establish in VIII. 1, and what public education would amount to for him. An important conclusion reached is that the first of Aristotle's two conclusions in VIII.1 has been routinely misidentified. 相似文献
100.
The media is increasingly blamed for inflaming political animosity, but it may also bridge partisan divides—with the right strategies. Past research highlights the outgroup-experience effect: Sharing personal experiences (and not facts) helps to reduce partisan animosity. However, sharing facts is a pillar of good journalism and is essential for mediated political communication. Across four studies in two countries, we show that journalists, and citizens on social media sites, can share facts about contentious political issues (gun and climate policy), while simultaneously increasing tolerance and reducing dehumanization of political opponents. We extend the outgroup-experience effect by introducing factual content alongside personal experiences of political adversaries (i.e., a combination approach). These effects are replicated in both the United States and Germany although in Germany the personal experience intervention is only beneficial for people with more extreme attitudes. 相似文献