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61.
Frank Summers 《International Forum of Psychoanalysis》2017,26(3):186-192
AbstractThe USA has been a changed society since 9/11: the Zeitgeist either has a background of low-level angst, or when an attack occurs or a threat is sounded, the fear peaks and comes to the foreground for a time. Perhaps nothing demonstrates the degree to which fear permeates contemporary culture more than the continual presence of the measures the USA takes to be safe: airport security, the Patriot Act, the mining of formerly private information by the government, to name but a few. Can we account for the pervasive nature of fear solely by the devastating and deadly attacks 15 years ago, unspeakably horrifying though they were? This paper will explore this omnipresent fear in contemporary American culture from a psychoanalytic perspective, and in so doing hopes to shed light on the nature of that fear, why it is so persistent despite 15 years without any sequels, and what the consequences of that fear are for the American way of life. The discussion will be rounded out by linking this pervasive fear to the violence that is endemic to our age. 相似文献
62.
孔子“为政以德”的政治伦理思想以“仁”为基础,以“利民”为价值导向,以实现社会“大同”为理想目标。为此,他要求治国者自身不断加强道德修养,坚持人道主义的伦理原则,选贤任能,反对战争,维护和平。坚持和发扬孔子的政治伦理思想,对于实现海峡两岸的和平统一具有重要现实意义。 相似文献
63.
George Leaman 《Metaphilosophy》2004,35(3):234-248
Abstract: The U.S. government is trying to secure continuing American military and economic supremacy on a global scale over the long term. The U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq is part of this imperial project, which is now being pursued under the mantle of the war on terrorism. This essay examines these developments in the context of U.S. military spending and foreign policy since the end of the cold war, and it argues that there is reason to be concerned about the continuing viability of democratic government in the United States. 相似文献
64.
Joseph M. Schwartz 《Metaphilosophy》2004,35(3):273-302
Abstract: The Bush administration's military war on terrorism is a blunt, ineffective, and unjust response to the threat posed to innocent civilians by terrorism. Decentralized terrorist networks can only be effectively fought by international cooperation among police and intelligence agencies representing diverse nation‐states, including ones with predominantly Islamic populations. The Bush administration's allegations of a global Islamist terrorist threat to the national interests of the United States misread the decentralized and complex nature of Islamist politics. Undoubtedly there exists a “combat fundamentalist” element within Islamism. But the threat posed to U.S. citizens by Islamist terrorism neither necessitates nor justifies as a response massive military invasions of other nations. Not only does the Bush administration's war on alleged “terrorist states” violate the doctrine of just war, but in addition these wars arise from a new, unilateral, imperial foreign‐policy doctrine of “preventive wars.” Such a doctrine will isolate the United States from international institutions and long‐standing allies. The weakening of these institutions and alliances will only weaken the ability of the international community to deter terrorism. 相似文献
65.
Barbara Farnham 《Political psychology》2004,25(3):441-463
One of the most pressing concerns in the study of international relations today is to develop a systematic account of the impact of domestic politics on foreign policy. This paper argues that domestic politics frequently influences foreign policy through a process of decision-making that grows out of the decision-maker's awareness of the requirements for effective action in the political context. It is therefore necessary to develop a theory that can explain how the political context's characteristic features affect decision-makers' thinking. In attempting to combine insights culled from the literature on political decision-making with psychological theories of decision-making processes, this paper offers a first step toward such a theory. 相似文献
66.
H. Groutel 《Médecine & Droit》2004,2004(68):105-107
67.
谶纬“河图”、“洛书”神话,是在原始思维的集体记忆的基础上,发挥玄想,以象立意.根据受众的不同,可以将其分为政治、民生两类.从诠释发生的角度、诠释方式和诠释功能而言,谶纬“河图”、“洛书”与《周易》有异曲同工之妙.谶纬“河图”、“洛书”中的神话意象和意境,看似为非理性的构思,实为理性智慧的阐发,它阐释的重点是儒家仁政学说和民本思想,展现了汉儒的普世精神和政治诉求. 相似文献
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69.
Nicholas Nash Alan Lewis Christine Griffin 《Journal of community & applied social psychology》2010,20(1):44-56
Strategies aimed at reducing land use conflict often stress the need to make planning decisions more democratic. However, this goal is obstructed by overly‐narrow conceptual perspectives that neglect the symbolic significance of place. We illustrate this by examining place names, which function as repositories of socio‐political meaning. Drawing on elements of discursive and rhetorical psychology and subject positioning theory, we investigated the variety of meanings associated with place names in the context of a proposed housing development in Swindon, in the South of England. Thirty interviews with different stakeholders were conducted to gauge their opinions towards the proposal. Noting differences in the way the proposed site was named, we analysed the range of meanings associated with each name in relation to participants' stances towards development. Our results show how, in naming place, spatial meanings are negotiated and contested in ways that support contrasting political objectives. We conclude that planning professionals should exercise greater sensitivity towards existing spatial meanings, especially place names. In addition, socio‐political understandings of subjective spatial relationships can serve as a basis for achieving more productive dialogue and improving development designs. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
70.