首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   218篇
  免费   8篇
  国内免费   2篇
  2023年   4篇
  2022年   5篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   4篇
  2019年   6篇
  2018年   6篇
  2017年   5篇
  2016年   3篇
  2015年   4篇
  2014年   8篇
  2013年   33篇
  2012年   7篇
  2011年   1篇
  2010年   6篇
  2009年   3篇
  2008年   14篇
  2007年   28篇
  2006年   20篇
  2005年   16篇
  2004年   15篇
  2003年   8篇
  2002年   10篇
  2001年   4篇
  1999年   4篇
  1998年   2篇
  1997年   2篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   1篇
  1992年   1篇
  1989年   2篇
  1987年   1篇
排序方式: 共有228条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
201.
Indian secularists compound difficulties for the emergence of a genuinely secular society by relying on an exclusively constitutional rather than a dialogical approach to settle India’s religious disputes as manifested in Ayodhya and elsewhere. There are, however, intellectuals who favour dialogue with religious communities to strengthen secularism but are afraid of suggesting dialogue with contending parties on contentious issues like the Ayodhya dispute for fear of legitimising religious fundamentalism. As a result, the notion of ‘contentious dialogue’ is avoided even while the need for dialogue is recognised. Instead of religious grievances getting resolved through law, they get embroiled over a period of time and result in the rise of religious fundamentalism and terrorism, thereby deepening the crisis of secularism. In the Ayodhya dispute, communities encouraged by the secular state have followed a legal approach to the settlement of their religious grievances since 1950. While the dispute languished in court, the demolition of the Babri Mosque in 1992, the emergence of religious terrorism and the riots in Gujarat in 2002 followed. All these developments are in some way interrelated and need a broad and holistic counter-strategy. Only a dialogic approach will induce communities to comprehend the interconnected nature of problems arising from the Ayodhya dispute and make them seek solutions outside the law. This paper proposes a model of reconciliation based on the themes of recognition of intrinsic faith, negotiation with extrinsic elements of each religion and sacrifice. This dialogical approach ought to be carried out by a non-sectarian political society that must involve ruling and opposition parties, NGOs, lawyers, administrators and contending religious organisations in order to seek a realistic solution to the Ayodhya dispute in the larger and long-term interest of a secular polity in India.  相似文献   
202.
Can a human society be constrained in such a way that self-organization will thereafter tend to produce outcomes that advance the goals of the society? Such a society would be self-organizing in the sense that individuals who pursue only their own interests would none-the-less act in the interests of the society as a whole, irrespective of any intention to do so. The paper sketches an agent-based model that identifies the conditions that must be met if such a self-organizing society is to emerge. The model draws heavily on an understanding of how self-organizing societies have emerged repeatedly during the evolution of life on Earth. The model demonstrates that the key enabling requirement for a self-organizing society is ‘consequence-capture’. Broadly this means that all agents in the society must capture sufficient of the beneficial (and harmful) consequences of their actions for the goals of the society. ‘Consequence-capture’ can be organized in a society by appropriate management (systems of evolvable constraints) that suppresses free riders and supports pro-social actions. In human societies these constraints include institutions such as systems of governance and social norms. If a self-organizing society is to emerge, consequence-capture must apply to all agents in the society, including those involved in the establishment and adaptation of institutions. If this is achieved, the result will be a fully self-organizing society in which the interests of all agents (including individuals, firms, multi-national corporations, political organizations, institutions and governments) are aligned with the interests of the society as a whole.  相似文献   
203.
为探究手机支付使用者消费增加的现象及其心理账户效应,使用计算机程序对114名被试进行了三项模拟购物实验。实验发现:(1)手机支付组被试的商品消费次数和金额都显著高于现金支付组被试,且这种差异体现在功能型商品的消费上。(2)手机支付时被试不会倾向于对大金额的消费进行控制,对大钱和小钱的花费不存在显著差异。(3)手机支付时收到红包的被试消费次数和金额显著高于账户常规收入的被试,且更多用于享乐型消费。总的来看,手机支付减弱了对大额金钱和意外收入的消费控制,非现金支付让消费者花钱更多。  相似文献   
204.
The COVID-19 pandemic has raged around the world over the recent years, raising the global community’s awareness of the interconnection of human civilizations and urging the reconsideration of the humannature relationship. The escalating worldwide ecological crises are putting human survival and development at risk. The phenomenon has aroused the awareness of “ecological rationality,” consciousness of “economic value” and appeal for “ecological justice” in the universal sense. The endeavor of promoting ecological civilization has been included as part of the fivesphere integrated plan for building socialism with Chinese characteristics since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC). General Secretary Xi Jinping’s thought on ecological civilization has fully manifested the value and goal of comprehensively promoting ecological civilization and adhering to the Chinese path to modernization. The Chinese path to modernization, which has reflected on and outclassed the Westernstyle logic for modernization, shows a unique horizon and independent wisdom. Focusing on addressing the uncertainties facing human survival in the New Era and aiming at embracing the future, the Chinese path to modernization has shifted the mindset from economic rationality to ecological rationality, abandoned anthropocentrism, and firmly upheld and fulfilled the code of conduct for rational “economic man.” The endeavor of building an eco-friendly society and an ecological community has showcased the favorable institutional practice in Chinese modernization and China’s wisdom, demonstrated rational planning, prudential design and effective implementation for the prospect of mankind and highlighted a progressive trend in human civilization.  相似文献   
205.
发挥中医药学优势,构建和完善小康社会卫生服务体系   总被引:11,自引:0,他引:11  
全面分析和阐述了中医药学在我国社区卫生服务体系的理论建设和医疗实践中所具有的作用、意义和优势.提出利用中医药学优势,将促进社区卫生服务,确保小康社会卫生服务体系的完善.  相似文献   
206.
《管子》可谓是一部博大精深、包罗万千、韵味隽永的富含"经邦治国"之道的百科全书式的经典佳作。它承续、生发、展拓了华夏传统文化的"贵和"思想理念,推崇创设和谐社会的关键是树立"以人为本"的生命意识。然则中国共产党人所提出的努力实现"以人为本",建设和谐社会的战略决策,可谓与管子的文化思辨、道德教化和审美情韵皆有着某种异曲同工之妙境。  相似文献   
207.
南宋事功学派代表陈亮,面对国家民族的困境,以一种英雄式的生命形态解读和体悟《周易》。相对于同时期的思想家们,他将《周易》提升到高于四书、《春秋》等书的地位,进而秉承易学中利用厚生、开物成务而广业的经世面向,在其整体天下意识之下,开拓出一套不同于心性学派的高标实事实功的经世之学。这种学说以道器一体论为其哲学根基,以道义与功利的关系为其主要表现内容,是对易学经世面向的继承与发展。  相似文献   
208.
Group, which involves collective actions for achieving shared goals, can be conceptually understood as an important source of agency and control. The current research investigated whether group identity salience can enhance sense of agency within the individual. Specifically, we examined whether an activated cultural group identity, through presenting different types of cultural photographs in a predictable way, would facilitate people's sense of agency by using an implicit method, namely, intentional binding effect paradigm. Experiment 1a found that an activated cultural group identity enhanced the sense of agency. Next, Experiment 1b replicated the findings by recruiting a different ethnic group in the same society. Experiment 2 explored what may affect the intensity of induced sense of agency and found that perceived representativeness of the presented cultural stimuli was positively correlated with the intensity of induced sense of agency. Finally, Experiment 3 explored whether ethnic minority and majority groups would demonstrate different intensity of agency when their cultural identity was activated. The results showed that the sense of agency induced by the mainstream cultural stimuli was greater than that induced by the foreign cultural photographs. These patterns were not different between the two ethnic groups. Taken together, these findings reflected the dynamic nature of cultural identity construction in a multicultural society.  相似文献   
209.
试论未成年人思想道德建设的三个重要环节   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
未成年人思想道德建设既是一项长远的战略任务 ,又是一项紧迫的现实任务。在加强和改进未成年人思想道德建设中 ,要发挥家庭的基础作用 ,学校的主导作用和社会环境的感染作用 ,三者要互相配合 ,共谋以德育人的百年大计。  相似文献   
210.
Giesen  Klaus-Gerd 《Res Publica》2004,10(1):1-13
For some years now, Jürgen Habermas, possibly the most influential European philosopher of today, has been producing a growing number of publications on world politics. In the historical context of the collapse of bipolarity and the advent of the triad, along with the punitive wars in the Gulf and Yugoslavia, he is very far from being alone: Jacques Derrida and Noberto Bobbio,Michael Walzer and John Rawls, to name only the most forceful, have also been thinking out loud about the new political configurations beyond the nation-state. The characteristic feature of Habermas’s thought is to perceive a radically new historical configuration, which he calls a‘post-national constellation’ and which would justify the development of a new political project, as a transition to a new cosmopolitan law. In what follows, I examine the precise modalities that are supposed to transform his philosophical design into political and legal arrangements, attempting to dissect the Habermasian vision of a post-Cold War politics better adapted to the challenges of the new century, and to throw light on the ideology behind it, as a prolegomenon to the larger project Habermas invites us to undertake. This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号