Intentionally remembering or forgetting own- and other-race faces: Evidence from directed forgetting

People are better at remembering faces of their own relative to another ethnic group. This so-called own-race bias (ORB) has been explained in terms of differential perceptual expertise for own- and other-race faces or, alternatively, as resulting from socio-cognitive factors. To test predictions derived from the latter account, we examined item-method directed forgetting (DF), a paradigm sensitive to an intentional modulation of memory, for faces belonging to different ethnic and social groups. In a series of five experiments, participants during learning received cues following each face to either remember or forget the item, but at test were required to recognize all items irrespective of instruction. In Experiments 1 and 5, Caucasian participants showed DF for own-race faces only while, in Experiment 2, East Asian participants with considerable expertise for Caucasian faces demonstrated DF for own- and other-race faces. Experiments 3 and 4 found clear DF for social in- and outgroup faces. These results suggest that a modulation of face memory by motivational processes is limited to faces with which we have acquired perceptual expertise. Thus, motivation alone is not sufficient to modulate memory for other-race faces and cannot fully explain the ORB.     

Changing “us” and hostility towards “them”—Implicit theories of national identity determine prejudice and participation rates in an anti-immigrant petition

National identity definitions determine who belongs to the national ingroup (e.g., “us Germans”) versus the “foreign” outgroup prone to hostile outgroup bias. We conducted five studies in two countries investigating if viewing the ingroup's national identity as fixed exacerbates the perceived divide between ingroup and outgroup and thus increases anti-immigrant hostility, while a malleable view blurs the divide and reduces anti-immigrant hostility. In a Prestudy (58 participants), an Implicit Theory of National Identity Scale was developed. In Studies 1 (154 participants) and 2 (390 participants), our scale predicted individuals’ prejudice and participation rates in a hypothetical referendum and a real petition against immigrants. In Studies 3 (225 participants) and 4 (225 participants), experimental evidence was obtained. Leading participants to believe that the definition of “a true compatriot” changes over time (rather than remaining the same) resulted in lower levels of prejudice and participation rates in an anti-immigrant petition.     

Relationship quality and accuracy of detecting a romantic partner's fear of being single

How attuned are romantic partners to each other’s fear of being single, and is accuracy associated with relationship quality? In this study, 104 couples reported their fear of being single, perceptions of their partner’s fear of being single, and relationship quality. Partners had significant accuracy when judging fear of being single, but a tendency toward overestimation. Partners also were not systematically similar and did not project their own fears onto partners. Tracking accuracy was positively associated with some aspects of the perceiver’s relationship quality, but not with the target’s relationship quality. Mean-level bias was largely unassociated with relationship quality for the perceiver or target, except for lower investment from the target when the perceiver over-estimated their fear of being single.     

Children's response biases to results of object sharing

This study investigated whether 2- to 6-year-old children exhibit a response bias to questions pertaining to the results of sharing objects that should attract their interest. An experimenter distributed four objects between herself/himself and a child, equally or unequally (more to the child or more to the experimenter) and asked the child yes-no questions: “Is this okay?” and “Is this bad?” The results indicated that 2- and 3-year-olds exhibited a yes bias in all conditions, 4-year-olds exhibited a yes bias to the equal condition and to the unequal condition with more distributed to the child, and 5-year-olds exhibited a yes bias to both unequal conditions, whereas 6-year-olds did not show any response bias. Young preschoolers exhibited a yes bias regardless of questions and children may become able to say both “yes” and “no” appropriately to questions about object sharing after the age of six.     

Effects of past language experience and present language context on the shape bias in Spanish–English bilingual children

English‐monolingual children develop a shape bias early in language acquisition, such that they more often generalize a novel label based on shape than other features. Spanish‐monolingual children, however, do not show this bias to the same extent (Hahn & Cantrell, 2012). Studying children who are simultaneously learning both Spanish and English presents a unique opportunity to further investigate how this word‐learning bias develops. Thus, we asked how Spanish–English bilingual children (M_age = 21.31 months) perform in a novel‐noun generalization (NNG) task, specifically examining how past language experience (i.e. language exposure and vocabulary size) and present language context (i.e. whether the NNG task was conducted in Spanish or English) influence the strength of the shape bias. Participants completed the NNG task either entirely in English (N = 16) or entirely in Spanish (N = 16), as well as language understanding tasks in both English and Spanish to ensure that they understood what the experimenter was asking them to do. Parents completed a language exposure survey and vocabulary checklists in Spanish and English. There was a significant interaction between condition and choice type: Bilingual children in the English condition showed a shape bias in the NNG task, but bilingual children in the Spanish condition showed no reliable biases. No measures of past language experience were related to NNG task performance. These results suggest that when learning new words, bilingual children are attuned to the regularities of the present language context, and prior language experiences may play a more secondary role.     

高功能自闭症个体对威胁性情绪面孔的注意偏向

高功能自闭症(High-Functioning Autism, HFA)个体智力正常, 但也面临着严重的社会功能障碍。对威胁性情绪面孔的注意偏向与HFA个体社会功能的发展密切相关。梳理相关研究发现, HFA个体在自动加工阶段和情绪目标参与阶段, 不存在威胁性情绪面孔注意偏向; 而在任务与情绪无关的控制加工阶段, 存在威胁性情绪面孔注意偏向。针对HFA个体威胁性情绪面孔注意偏向的理论解释主要有杏仁核理论、强烈世界理论和执行功能理论等。神经生理机制方面, HFA个体对威胁性情绪面孔的注意偏向可能与其异常的皮下及皮层通路功能有关, 同时可能会受5-羟色胺系统基因及催产素水平等的影响。未来研究可在综合考虑研究方法及个体因素的基础上, 进一步探究其加工特征及神经生物机制, 着力开发科学有效的干预策略。     

防御性自尊大学生注意偏向对记忆偏向的影响

摘 要 为考查防御性自尊大学生注意偏向对记忆偏向的影响,本研究将被试分为训练组和控制组,训练组接受注意偏向训练,之后完成记忆任务。记忆任务中呈现中性和攻击性词汇,要求被试对词汇进行自由回忆。结果发现,控制组对攻击性信息存在着记忆偏向,而训练组对攻击性信息的记忆偏向消失。注意偏向训练可以即时性地改变防御性自尊大学生对攻击性信息的注意偏向,注意偏向可能是特质一致性记忆的原因之一。     

元认知与面部认知的结合：切入点及方法

元认知是对认知的认知,包含认知的各个方面,近年来元认知与面部认知的结合开始得到关注。两者结合切入点包括元认知错觉(达克效应和自我中心偏见)在面部认知中的适用性,以及面部认知现象(异族效应和熟悉度优势)在元认知中的适用性。研究方法根据测量时间点和评估对象的选取而各有侧重。当前研究尚停留在元认知监测层面,未来可扩展至面部认知的元认知控制、与机器学习结合等方向,为理解面部认知提供新角度,扩展其应用价值。     

无法忍受不确定性与担忧：对记忆偏差与解释偏差的检验

本研究旨在探索记忆偏差与解释偏差在无法忍受不确定性(IU)与个体担忧之间的中介作用。实验1采用伴随学习任务范式,计算被试对中性词语和不确定词的回忆量。结果发现,IU对记忆偏差的预测不显著,记忆偏差在IU与担忧倾向之间的中介作用不显著。实验2采用情境评估任务范式收集被试在不确定情境下的担忧评分和解释倾向。结果发现,IU可以正向预测被试在不确定情境下的担忧评分,被试对情境的解释倾向在IU与担忧评分的关系中起到中介作用。概言之,高IU个体存在一定的信息加工偏差。     

Affective bias in visual working memory is associated with capacity

How does the affective nature of task stimuli modulate working memory (WM)? This study investigates whether WM maintains emotional information in a biased manner to meet the motivational principle of approaching positivity and avoiding negativity by retaining more approach-related positive content over avoidance-related negative content. This bias may exist regardless of individual differences in WM functionality, as indexed by WM capacity (overall bias hypothesis). Alternatively, this bias may be contingent on WM capacity (capacity-based hypothesis), in which a better WM system may be more likely to reveal an adaptive bias. In two experiments, participants performed change localisation tasks with emotional and non-emotional stimuli to estimate the number of items that they could retain for each of those stimuli. Although participants did not seem to remember one type of emotional content (e.g. happy faces) better than the other type of emotional content (e.g. sad faces), there was a significant correlation between WM capacity and affective bias. Specifically, participants with higher WM capacity for non-emotional stimuli (colours or line-drawing symbols) tended to maintain more happy faces over sad faces. These findings demonstrated the presence of a “built-in” affective bias in WM as a function of its systematic limitations, favouring the capacity-based hypothesis.