Toward a liberal socialist cosmopolitan nationalism

I explicate and defend a form of liberal socialist nationalism. It is also a nationalism which is cosmopolitan. Explication and explanation are crucially in order here, for it is not unreasonable to believe that ‘cosmopolitan nationalism’ and ‘liberal socialist nationalism’ and even ‘liberal nationalism’ are oxymoronic. Against that I argue that there is a straightforward understanding of these concepts and their relations to each other that does not have inconsistencies or even paradoxes. Liberal socialism properly understood goes well with cosmopolitanism (both moral and institutional), and there are plausible and attractive forms of both liberalism and socialism that go together. Moreover, the only candidate for a nationalism that would survive careful reflective inquiry is a liberal nationalism: a nationalism which is neither ethnic nor civic. It is widely believed, however, that even a liberal nationalism is incompatible with cosmopolitanism. I contend in a series of arguments that in contexts where nationalism is rightly on the agenda the form that it should take is that of a liberal nationalism, and it is further argued that to be viable, nationalism requires cosmopolitanism.     

Eric J. Sharpe (1933–2000)

This paper gives a general account of the developments in the Baha'i Faith over the last three decades. The period began with the Baha'i Faith as a little-known religion with a hereditary leadership of predominantly Iranian membership but with some spread to the West. At the present time the religion has been transformed into a much better-known religion led by an elected council. It has increased some 20-fold in numbers and is now world-wide in membership. The major structural changes involved as the previous hereditary leadership at the international level was converted into the leadership of an elected council are analysed. The growth and development of the religion over this period are described and some statistical information is given. The central concerns of the religion during this time are described in terms of a number of motifs: polar, legalism, millenarianism, social reformism, universalism, liberalism, and martyrdom and sacrifice. An attempt is made to analyse some of the present problems facing the Baha'i community, both in terms of the persecutions that it suffers as well as the problems presented by its successful expansion, and to describe the ways in which it copes with these.     

Do Elite Athletes Renowned for Their Aggressive Play Transfer Aggression to Nonsport Settings? A Qualitative Exploratory Study

This exploratory qualitative study concerned elite-level male Australian footballers' attitudes to and experience of off-the-field aggression and violence. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with athletes selected for their highly aggressive play on the field. Data was analyzed, according to established principles for qualitative data. Reversal theory was used to interpret findings related to: (a) athletes' perception and experience of violent incidents in off-the-field social settings; (b) the possible role of alcohol; (c) athletes' responses and means of coping; and (d) athletes' perception of the different physical risks in on- and off-the-field violence. The results indicated, for example, that athletes sometimes found themselves the target of violence, but generally did not report instigating it. Provocation caused angry verbal and physical aggressive responses from some athletes, but others had developed coping and avoidance strategies. Athletes perceived the physical risk involved in on- and off-the-field aggression differently and distinguished the boundary that exists between the two.     

The Other Side of their Zeal

Abstract

This article tracks the harsh reality of homophobia in Korea, focusing on the homophobic rhetoric of Korean Christian fundamentalists. I suggest that the fundamentalists’ homophobic rhetoric can be looked at in line with their attempt to build up their bases of support. Facing the loss of their privileged social status in Korea, the fundamentalists have been seeking out a secure road through which they can survive and regain their influence. What they have found was, in addition to literal belief in the Bible, a political alliance with greater powers, namely, Korean right-wing politics and american Christian fundamentalism. Korean fundamentalists’ homophobic rhetoric reveals a crack through which we can observe how they have served as resident ministers of american Christian fundamentalists’ imperialistic vision of the world. This vision couples with the US government’s military deployments and its projects for global domination—whether it is to be proved as an unqualified failure or not.     

Romaphobia among Serbian and Dutch adolescents: The role of perceived threat,nationalistic feelings,and integrative orientations

This study examines the relationships between nationalism and integration attitudes on one hand, and anti‐Roma prejudice on the other. Using Stephan and Stephan's threat theory, the study analyzes whether and to what extent these relationships are mediated by perceived economic and symbolic threats. Data were collected among 16‐ and 17‐year‐old students in Serbia and The Netherlands. A path analysis shows that perceived economic and symbolic threats mediate the relationships between nationalism and integration on one hand, and Romaphobia on the other. Moreover, the findings show that these relationships are comparable between Serbian and Dutch youth. Levels of threat and Romaphobia differ between countries. Youth in the Netherlands, who barely have contact opportunities with Roma, are characterized by higher threat and Romaphobia scores than Serbian youth, who have proportionally more contact opportunities. Explanations are discussed as well as implications for theory and prejudice reduction in diverse intercultural settings.     

Multiculturalism,liberal fundamentalism and banal nationalism: Dilemmatic aspects of Dissolving the Diaspora

In this commentary I point to some inherent tensions within the article Dissolving the Diaspora. First, I suggest that the author may be in danger of underestimating the extent to which the values of the multiculturalism promoted in the article rely upon an acceptance of the incorrigible stats of culturally‐specific ideologies of liberalism. Second, I point to the way in which the author adopts a banal nationalist frame of reference whereby constructs such as ‘society’ and ‘polity’ and understood to be conterminous with ‘nation‐state’. I suggest that, in this respect, the author may be in danger of overlooking the ways in which the same liberal values which under pin an advocacy of multiculturalism might also be associated with utopian visions of transnational or cosmopolitan forms of solidarity and polity. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Repeatable Battery for the Assessment of Neuropsychological Status (RBANS): Preliminary Australian normative data

The aim of the present study was to establish demographically adjusted normative data for the Repeatable Battery for the Assessment of Neuropsychological Status (RBANS) in an Australian context. RBANS data from 172 healthy Australian community dwelling adults enrolled in the “Using our Brains” (UoB) Brain Tissue Donor program between April 2002 and September 2005 were included in this study. The present study group differed from the original North American normative sample on all 12 subtests and five RBANS indices. Education and to a lesser degree age were related to RBANS performance. The present study provides complementary RBANS normative data for clinicians and researchers when interpreting RBANS results for Australian individuals closely matching those reported in this study.     

Feasibility and Stability in Normative Political Philosophy: The Case of Liberal Nationalism

Arguments from stability for liberal nationalism rely on considerations about conditions for the feasibility or stability of liberal political ideals and factual claims about the circumstances under which these conditions are fulfilled in order to argue for nationalist conclusions. Such reliance on factual claims has been criticised by among others G. A. Cohen in other contexts as ideological reifications of social reality. In order to assess whether arguments from stability within liberal nationalism, especially as formulated by David Miller, are vulnerable to a comparable critique, the rationale for their reliance on factual claims is discussed on the basis of a number of concerns in John Rawls’s political liberalism. The concern with stability in liberal nationalism differs from stability in Rawls’s work, mainly because of the stronger non-ideal or ‘realist’ focus of the former. In so far as the ‘realism’ of arguments from stability for liberal nationalism is recognized, they are not vulnerable to the reification charge. But if the arguments are construed as realist, this at the same time makes for other tensions within liberal nationalism.     

DRAPER IN SPAIN: THE CONFLICTING CIRCULATION OF THE CONFLICT THESIS

This article delves into the reception of John W. Draper's History of the Conflict between Religion and Science in Spain. With two translations into Spanish appearing almost simultaneously in 1876, the conflict became a weapon in a long political dispute. The tensions between conservatives and liberals, between monarchists and republicans had the university and pedagogical reforms as one of the main battlefields. One of the chief reformist movements was informed by “Krausism,” an ideology that had academic freedom as one if its central tenets. The similarities between the educational agenda of Draper and that of Krausists explain why the former's book resonated among members of the latter group. The article argues that in order to understand the reception of Draper in Spain, one should pay attention to the disputes about national identity and educational reforms, so as to place the so‐called conflict thesis in the context of opposing Spanish patriotisms.