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71.
The Somatomorphic Matrix (SM) is a computer-based body image assessment program that allows assessment of the individual's body image in relation to known body composition values. To date, no study has compared the SM results to the measured body composition and assessed the usefulness in multi-ethnic samples. Japanese and Australian Caucasian males underwent testing to examine the SM body image results to their measured body composition. Japanese males showed significant (p < 0.01) discrepancy in their measured and the perceived ‘current’ muscularity compared with Australians. Both groups showed wide variability in the perception of their ‘current’ body composition in relation to the measured values, indicating an incomparability of the SM results to the measured results. The study also showed Japanese males to have lower consistency in the SM results than Australian males after a 12-month interval. In order to use the program in multi-ethnic populations further development of the program is recommended. 相似文献
72.
Michael Stausberg Pooyan Tamimi Arab Ammar Maleki 《Journal for the scientific study of religion》2023,62(4):823-844
This article contributes to the internationalization of survey methodology by discussing a case from a totalitarian state, the Islamic Republic of Iran. In 2020, GAMAAN (The Group for Measuring and Analyzing Attitudes in Iran) conducted an online survey on religion. The survey had 50,000 participants, around 90 percent of whom lived in Iran. This article discusses the result that, after weighting, 8 percent identified as Zoroastrian—many times the number of Zoroastrians as recorded by scholarship on Iranian Zoroastrianism. We dub this phenomenon “Survey Zoroastrianism” and offer an explanation for this finding. After describing the position of Zoroastrianism in modern Iran and adding two further online surveys conducted by GAMAAN in 2022, we discuss the Survey Zoroastrians’ demographics and their religious and political views. The analysis shows that participating in surveys beyond the government's control provided affordances for performing alternative identity aspirations tied to notions of nationalism and civilizational heritage. 相似文献
73.
Samuel L. Perry Sarah Riccardi-Swartz Joshua T. Davis Joshua B. Grubbs 《Journal for the scientific study of religion》2023,62(2):439-450
Since 2016, Americans’ attitudes toward Russia and Vladimir Putin have shifted, with Republicans becoming far more supportive of both. And though condemnation of Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022 remains bipartisan, many Christian-right leaders still support Putin and Russia. What undergirds this support? Drawing on three national data sets, we theorize Americans’ warmth toward Putin and Russia is reinforced by an ideology that seeks to institutionalize America's mythical Anglo Protestant ethno-culture—Christian nationalism. Though we propose Christian nationalism's relationship with Russia is more contingent on Russia's geopolitical activity vis-à-vis the United States, we theorize that Christian nationalism consistently predicts Putin support due to his authoritarian ethno-nationalism. April 2018 data show those who affirm America's Christian heritage in the past and/or present are more likely to view Putin and Russia favorably and Russia as our ally. March 2021 data also reveal a linear positive association between Christian nationalism and favorability toward Putin. And March 2022 data reveal a linear positive association between Christian nationalism and admiring Putin's leadership. They also show a U-shaped curvilinear relationship with viewing Russia as a threat. Paradoxically, Christian nationalism may warm Americans toward foreign authoritarians like Putin even when it compels Americans to perceive their nations as threats. 相似文献
74.
John White 《Studies in Philosophy and Education》1996,15(1-2):193-199
Yael Tamir's (1993) book Liberal Nationalism seeks to show that liberalism and nationalism are not incompatible political philosophies. Nationalism need not take the closed, authoritarian form it has so often taken; and liberalism is premised on certain national ideas, including national self-determination. This critical discussion of her account is broadly sympathetic to the compatibility thesis, but takes issue both with her notion of nationalism, with her account of a nation as a self-conscious cultural community, and with the sharp line she draws between civic and cultural concerns. Although her book does not deal with education, this paper concludes with remarks about what the role of nationality should be in education, in both a Tamirian and a non-Tamirian framework. The latter is applied to education in Britain.This paper takes the form of a discussion of some leading themes in Yael Tamir's (1993) book Liberal Nationalism and of their bearing on educational policy. 相似文献
75.
John Hill 《The Journal of analytical psychology》1996,41(4):575-598
To be at home in the world is an expression of attachment observed in all living beings and the specifically human need to create a world of shared meaningful experiences. Recent history has been a history of lost homes and lost nations. Although modern man and woman have gained new opportunities of finding a home with any person or community, an analysis of homesickness reveals the archetypal need for enduring attachments that are rooted in the actual history of our experiences of a whole world. The mythic notion of Sacred Space symbolizes an archetypal intention to invest kinship libido in people, animals and objects that are within the boundaries of a known world. Home becomes an inner psychological dimension not dependent on geographic location. We may understand it as a capacity of the psyche to offer a fixed point of reference to which we may return so that we may assimilate new experiences without loss of identity. The discoveries of infant research indicate that self-continuity manifests in infancy as an attribute of the core self. If this is not matched by a holding environment, psychologically painful experiences of felt abandonment can ensue. It is shown how this theme can appear as part of the analytic space, in dreams and in transference, and that a working through of its meanings individually can help restore our being at home in the world. 相似文献
76.
Pamela Hays 《Australian psychologist》2014,49(1):17-18
The cutting edge of psychotherapy research today is primarily cross‐cultural and includes two main areas of work. The first area consists of helping/healing approaches that originate within specific cultures, for example, Naikon therapy in Japan, ho'oponopono among Native Hawaiians, curanderismo among Latino people, and many of the specific practices within the world's major religions (e.g., meditation, prayer, recognising blessings, practising compassion, and helping others). The second area involves exploring whether, and if so how, the evidence‐based practices (EBPs) are relevant to the needs of cultures that were not originally in the minds of the EBPs developers. The preceding study by Bennett‐Levy and colleagues is an excellent example of the kind of research needed in this second area: participatory action research that intentionally seeks the expertise of within‐culture members, ideally the counsellors and researchers themselves. The authors ask exactly the kinds of questions that will move the entire psychotherapy field forward towards applications that are helpful to a much wider range of people. 相似文献
77.
In this initial article of the International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church's special issue on Perspectives on the Church in Scotland, as well as offering a wider context for the contributions that follow, I want to explore what connections in general might be said to exist between Scottish identity and Christianity, and then, more particularly, the impact of religion on the country's artistic culture, written as well as visual. Even those whose interest in the Scottish dimension may be marginal at best may find the discussion of broader relevance, since all nations now face to varying degrees the problem of how to relate their present pluriform identity to a narrower past. England, for instance, is ethnically much more diverse than its near neighbour and so struggles to find an appropriate contemporary self-definition. This can be seen reflected in the way in which politicians, in speaking of ‘British core values’, often merely reiterate what are universals in the western world, such as democracy, equal respect before the law, gender equality and so on, as with Nick Clegg's recent list on the Today programme on Radio 4 (10 June 2014) in which Gordon Brown's similar list during his premiership was simply reiterated. Others, though, continue to wrestle with what appeal to England's past history might mean and even with whether the established Church might have some continuing role within it, with the philosopher Roger Scruton offering a particularly intriguing instance in his Our Church: A Personal History of the Church of England (2012). 相似文献
78.
Mara Kozelsky 《International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church》2013,13(3):219-241
This article investigates religious nationalism in the Russian–Ukrainian conflict, which has appeared in political and popular rhetoric and has been expressed through violence. From the Tsarist era, Kyiv and Crimea have featured centrally in Russian national mythology as the cradle(s) of Russian Christianity. This nationalist conception of space persisted after political borders changed with the collapse of the Soviet Union, as has the Russian Orthodox Church's historic jurisdiction in Ukraine. As a result, Russian Orthodox believers retain a special affinity for Kyiv and Crimea, and many Ukrainian citizens have looked to Moscow for matters of faith. Subjects of inquiry include religious nationalism, the baptism of Slavic Prince Vladimir (Volodymyr), Orthodox holy places in Crimea and Ukraine, Patriarch Kirill's Russian World concept, and religious violence in Ukraine and Crimea. 相似文献
79.
Malory Nye 《文化与宗教》2013,14(2):109-123
Although the term multiculturalism is often understood on the public level as an ideology or as a social programme (to be ‘for’ or ‘against’), I argue in this paper that the term should also be understood to refer to the complex range of issues associated with cultural and religious diversity in society, and the social management of the challenges and opportunities such diversity offers. Understood in this sense, multiculturalism is not an optional extra, it is not something that a society can choose to have or avoid. For any country without closed borders then multiculturalism is a fact of today—it is present within the society. What is important are the social and political responses to the cultural and religious diversity that results from transnational flows and settlement of people. This introduction to the collection of papers highlights the need to understand multiculturalism as a process which is always contextual, and the role that state management of difference in the successful development of diversity plays. 相似文献
80.
《Journal of Global Ethics》2013,9(1):41-61
This article studies a seeming paradox – the adoption of multi-culturalist strategies and arguments by the neo-fascist European New Right. Why would neo-fascists adopt such a theoretical framework, and why has multiculturalism failed in Europe? In this article, I argue that the European New Right employs a multiculturalism framework, which I define as a recognition/exclusionist one, in order to create a new discourse of ‘legitimate exclusionism’ of non-authentic European immigrants. In short, multiculturalism, by celebrating differences between ethnic and cultural groups, inherently admits that there exist such differences between individuals. This allows neo-fascists to distinguish between themselves and ‘others’, immigrants not sharing their cultural heritage, and to claim the need for protecting such a cultural heritage through exclusion of others. As this article attempts to claim, immigrants will not benefit from multiculturalism, but the right of the radical integralist in its different versions. 相似文献