全文获取类型
收费全文 | 285篇 |
免费 | 12篇 |
国内免费 | 2篇 |
专业分类
299篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 7篇 |
2023年 | 23篇 |
2022年 | 8篇 |
2021年 | 14篇 |
2020年 | 16篇 |
2019年 | 15篇 |
2018年 | 14篇 |
2017年 | 15篇 |
2016年 | 19篇 |
2015年 | 13篇 |
2014年 | 11篇 |
2013年 | 29篇 |
2012年 | 7篇 |
2011年 | 7篇 |
2010年 | 4篇 |
2009年 | 9篇 |
2008年 | 7篇 |
2007年 | 9篇 |
2006年 | 8篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 14篇 |
2002年 | 7篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 6篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有299条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
2.
Slavoj Žižek 《Topoi》2006,25(1-2):137-142
There are not only true or false solutions, there are also false questions. The task of philosophy is not to provide answers
or solutions, but to submit to critical analysis the questions themselves, to make us see how the very way we perceive a problem
is an obstacle to its solution. This holds especially for today’s public debates on ecological threats, on lack of faith,
on democracy and the “war on terror”, in which the “unknown knowns”, the silent presuppositions we are not aware of, determine
our acts. 相似文献
3.
This article argues that ideology was of key-importance to the Soviet system. The rules which governed Soviet ideological discourse did not only hold for the producers of ideology but also aimed at filtering public communication. The respect people showed for an ideologically filtered discourse counted as a sign of loyalty. In this way ideology constituted a central pillar of power. The article presents the results of an analysis of political texts dating from the Gorbachev era. It concludes that the Gorbachev reforms eroded the communication filter because they changed the rules on which ideological discourse and thus power rested. 相似文献
4.
Neil Fasching;Kevin Arceneaux;Bert N. Bakker; 《Journal of personality》2024,92(4):1100-1114
We add depth and breadth to the study of the childhood personality–adult ideology link with additional data, measures, and measurement approaches. 相似文献
5.
Past research documented liberals’ greater tendency than conservatives to take situational determinants of others’ actions into account when forming causal attributions, and conservatives’ greater tendency to seek consistency. We hypothesize that liberals (vs. conservatives) should be more likely to make spontaneous goal inferences (SGIs). Conservatives, however, should tend to implicitly infer invariant rather than variant characteristics from others’ behaviors, drawing spontaneous trait inferences (STIs) rather than SGIs. Experiment 1 and 2 supported those hypotheses by illustrating differences in the type of implicit inferences formed by liberals and conservatives in a false recognition paradigm common to the STI literature. Experiment 3 revealed similar differences in conservatives’ and liberals’ goal and trait inferences when making open-ended causal explanations for others’ actions. 相似文献
6.
The last several decades have witnessed a structural change in politics toward cultural and identity conflicts, accompanied by the rise of populist radical right (PRR) parties. However, we know surprisingly little about the psychological or cognitive-motivational factors underlying PRR support. We claim that uncertainty avoidance (UA)—an epistemic avoidance motivation—represents a central motive because UA resonates with the PRR platform and precedes common predictors of PRR voting. Using data from the 2017 Austrian National Election Study, we found that UA was indeed indirectly associated with a higher likelihood of PRR voting. This association is because greater UA fostered right-wing sociocultural views, whereas associations with populist attitudes or expected government competence were more ambiguous. PRR parties appear to offer “certainty,” but as extreme parties, they also remain a “risky choice.” We conclude by discussing the contribution of a cognitive-motivational account to explain PRR voting. 相似文献
7.
Despite a vast literature documenting motivations for collective action, the role of sociopolitical ideologies, including right-wing ideologies, in predicting collective action is underresearched. Literature on right-wing ideological beliefs suggests that those higher in right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) or social dominance orientation (SDO) hold specific attitudes or endorse specific policies, in part, because of factors such as perceived fear-based threat or empathy. In the present research, structural equation modeling (SEM) was run on pooled data from a diverse Canadian university sample and two American adult samples (total N = 1,469). Participants completed measures of RWA, SDO, fear-based threat, empathy, and domain-specific collective action. Results showed that RWA and SDO both related positively to collective action targeting societal moral breakdown but negatively to collective action aimed at equalizing race relations or fighting climate change. Whereas the indirect effects of right-wing ideologies via fear-based threat or empathy were significant in all four domains for SDO, the indirect effect of RWA was only significant in the climate change domain. Implications are discussed. 相似文献
8.
Gerhard Liska 《World Futures: Journal of General Evolution》2020,76(5-7):420-433
Abstract In this article, I explore how the emancipatory potential of the human capacity to desire and be desired can contribute to more inclusive, sustainable, and convivial futures. I differentiate four manifestations of desire: (1) the consuming aspect of desire with acts of deliberate noncapitalist desire, (2) the arousing aspect of desire encouraging acts of playful profanation, (3) the identity-shaping aspect of desire enabling acts of radical unbecoming, and (4) the future-shaping aspect of desire associated with acts of courageous deviantness. Examples of practices that highlight the emancipatory potential of the different manifestations are discussed. 相似文献
9.
AbstractThe belief bias in reasoning occurs when individuals are more willing to accept conclusions that are consistent with their beliefs than conclusions that are inconsistent. The present study examined a belief bias in syllogisms containing political content. In two experiments, participants judged whether conclusions were valid, completed political ideology measures, and completed a cognitive reflection test. The conclusions varied in validity and in their political ideology (conservative or liberal). Participants were sensitive to syllogisms’ validity and conservatism. Overall, they showed a liberal bias, accepting more liberal than conservative conclusions. Furthermore, conservative participants accepted more conservative conclusions than liberal conclusions, whereas liberal participants showed the opposite pattern. Cognitive reflection did not magnify this effect as predicted by a motivated system 2 reasoning account of motivated ideological reasoning. These results suggest that people with different ideologies may accept different conclusions from the same evidence. 相似文献
10.
哈贝马斯关于科学技术执行着意识形态的职能的思想,进一步发展了霍克海默和马尔库塞的科学伦理思想。同时这又是他试图进行历史唯物主义“重建”的序曲。哈贝马斯通过对韦伯的合理化的伦理观进行解析和批判,提出了交往关系的伦理解释框架,辨析了科学技术意识形态化的社会制度背景,并认为,只有随着资本主义生产方式的出现,制度框架的合理性才能直接同社会劳动系统联系在一起。科学技术成为第一位的生产力使国家干预活动的增加,同时技术与科学具有意识形态的作用。哈贝马斯揭示了晚期资本主义社会科学技术发展的新动向,也可以引发我们对科学技术的合理应用的思考。然而,在哈贝马斯关于科学技术意识形态化的批判中,的确存在着方法论的误区。 相似文献