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671.
不道德传染, 是指道德违法者作为传染源将消极道德品质直接传递给传染对象, 或先传递给道德中性物品, 再由此物品传递给受传染对象, 引起其情绪、认知、生理等方面变化的过程。本文主要讨论了不道德传染发生的心理机制——厌恶, 围绕不道德传染对道德心理领域(道德情绪以及道德认知过程)产生的影响进行梳理; 进而将视角拓宽到非道德层面, 如具身认知、组织管理以及人际互动, 探究其对人类社会的广泛影响。最后, 从不同文化视阈、不同个体差异、传染过程的动态神经机制及正向道德传染等方面为研究提供新的思路。 相似文献
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作为古典共和主义者的杰出代表,哈林顿虽然对霍布斯思想批评有加,但是无论他思考政治的哲学前提,还是他对共和机制的探讨,与霍布斯所开创的现代的立场与方法都有很明晰的继承关系。 相似文献
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信息权利已经成为当代公民最基本的权利之一,但其实现状况却不尽如人意.究其原因,落后的社会经济文化发展水平,法律与道德体制的滞后与权力至上等传统观念的深入人心,极大地阻碍了公民积极维权的步伐.为此,从伦理层面上,应该通过信息伦理文化观念的建设、加强相关的伦理宣传和教育等措施培养和鼓励公民的信息维权意识,还应不断完善道德赏罚机制,适度引导公民形成积极维权的行为习惯. 相似文献
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Leon Mann Charlotte Tan Crisetta MacLeod-Morgan Anne Dixon 《The British journal of developmental psychology》1984,2(3):275-281
This study examined age-related changes in the child's application of the principle of majority rule in group decisions. Following a problem posed by Moessinger (1981), we enquired whether children routinely apply the majority rule when the majority consists of a shifting (variable) set of members across decisions, and alternate between majority and minority when the majority and minority is fixed, i.e. consists of the same individuals each time. In Geneva, Moessinger found that 8-year-olds failed to discriminate between fixed and shifting majorities, while most 13-year-olds (75 per cent) did so. An altered replication was conducted in Australia modifying Moessinger's procedure to control for extraneous variables such as ‘set’ and the need for variety in choice. It was found that on the task 7 per cent of 8-year-olds, 20 per cent of 10-year-olds, 32 per cent of 12-year-olds, and 39 per cent of 14-year-olds discriminated on a behavioural criterion between fixed and shifting majorities. Ten per cent of 8-year-olds, 40 per cent of 10-year-olds, 52 per cent of 12-year-olds, and 55 per cent of 14-year-olds made the discrimination on Moessinger's cognitive ‘reason’ criterion. The results show that development of the conceptual distinction between fixed and shifting majorities is gradual and continuous. 相似文献
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Yue Hu 《Political psychology》2020,41(4):699-716
Is public trust in government representatives (i.e., bureaucrats, police, public servants) affected by the language they use? The conventional theory holds that, in a multilingual society, people favor government representatives who speak the listeners' dialects because it indicates a shared cultural identity, that is, the “culture-marker” effect. This article offers an alternative mechanism in which people's attitudes can be affected by the government designating the official language as a marker of political authority. Listeners will then project their respect for the political authority to the government representatives who speak this marker language. This mechanism is named an “authority marker” effect. Using a set of adjusted matched-guise experiments in China, this study examines the culture-marker and authority-marker effects. The results support the authority-marker effect by showing that listeners have significantly more trust in the bureaucrats who speak the official language than in those who speak the dialects of the listeners. The study also finds that this is a unique effect for speakers when they represent the government. Without that political identity, listeners will still respond more positively to speakers of their own dialects. 相似文献
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