Together in Need: Relational Selfhood,Vulnerability to Harm,and Enriching Attachments

Connections between one's own welfare and that of others abound if we pause to look for them, although philosophical theories of selfhood have only very recently begun to incorporate these connections. This essay draws on recent work on need to argue that one of the strongest expressions of these connections is to be found in the relational needs that they can generate. While paying heed to needs that arise from the relational nature of selfhood at large, this essay pays particular attention to what I call “transpersonal needs”: needs that occur when one's experience of the needs of others gives rise to certain needs of one's own. I argue that the best criterion for defining need is vulnerability to harm, but this does not mean that having a need is something that is purely harmful. Having certain needs can also enrich one's life. Further, while every need entails a corresponding vulnerability to harm, some of these potential harms are more detrimental to one's welfare than others, with some relational needs standing among those that can result in the greatest harm if unanswered.     

The Analysis of Single-Case Research Data: Current Instructional Practices

Visual analysis is the predominant method of analysis in single-case research (SCR). However, most research suggests that agreement between visual analysts is poor, which may be due to a lack of clear guidelines and criteria for visual analysis, as well as variability in how individuals are trained. We developed a survey containing questions about the content and methods used to teach visual and statistical analysis of SCR data in verified course sequences (VCS) and distributed it via the VCS Coordinator Listserv. Thirty-seven instructors completed the survey. Results suggest that there is variability across instructors in some fundamental aspects of data analysis (e.g., number of effects required for a functional relation) but a great deal of consistency in others (e.g., emphasizing visual over statistical analysis). We discuss our results along with their implications both for teaching students to analyze SCR data and for conducting additional research on behavior-analytic training programs.

     

How many pixels make a memory? Picture memory for small pictures

Torralba (Visual Neuroscience, 26, 123–131, 2009) showed that, if the resolution of images of scenes were reduced to the information present in very small “thumbnail images,” those scenes could still be recognized. The objects in those degraded scenes could be identified, even though it would be impossible to identify them if they were removed from the scene context. Can tiny and/or degraded scenes be remembered, or are they like brief presentations, identified but not remembered. We report that memory for tiny and degraded scenes parallels the recognizability of those scenes. You can remember a scene to approximately the degree to which you can classify it. Interestingly, there is a striking asymmetry in memory when scenes are not the same size on their initial appearance and subsequent test. Memory for a large, full-resolution stimulus can be tested with a small, degraded stimulus. However, memory for a small stimulus is not retrieved when it is tested with a large stimulus.     

Does visual expertise improve visual recognition memory?

In general, humans have impressive recognition memory for previously viewed pictures. Many people spend years becoming experts in highly specialized image sets. For example, cytologists are experts at searching micrographs filled with potentially cancerous cells and radiologists are expert at searching mammograms for indications of cancer. Do these experts develop robust visual long-term memory for their domain of expertise? If so, is this expertise specific to the trained image class, or do such experts possess generally superior visual memory? We tested recognition memory of cytologists, radiologists, and controls with no medical experience for three visual stimulus classes: isolated objects, scenes, and mammograms or micrographs. Experts were better than control observers at recognizing images from their domain, but their memory for those images was not particularly good (D’ ~ 1.0) and was much worse than memory for objects or scenes (D’ > 2.0). Furthermore, experts were not better at recognizing scenes or isolated objects than control observers.     

The boundary conditions for Bohr’s law: when is reacting faster than acting?

In gunfights in Western movies, the hero typically wins, even though the villain draws first. Niels Bohr (Gamow, The great physicists from Galileo to Einstein. Chapter: The law of quantum, 1988) suggested that this reflected a psychophysical law, rather than a dramatic conceit. He hypothesized that reacting is faster than acting. Welchman, Stanley, Schomers, Miall, and Bülthoff (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London B: Biological Sciences, 277, 1667-1674, 2010) provided empirical evidence supporting "Bohr's law," showing that the time to complete simple manual actions was shorter when reacting than when initiating an action. Here we probe the limits of this effect. In three experiments, participants performed a simple manual action, which could either be self-initiated or executed following an external visual trigger. Inter-button time was reliably faster when the action was externally triggered. However, the effect disappeared for the second step in a two-step action. Furthermore, the effect reversed when a choice between two actions had to be made. Reacting is faster than acting, but only for simple, ballistic actions.     

Group cognitive-behavioral therapy for anxiety in a clinic setting: does child involvement predict outcome?

The current study examined the relationship between child involvement and treatment outcome in a group cognitive–behavioral treatment (GCBT) program for children with anxiety, using an adapted version of the Child Involvement Rating Scale (CIRS). Thirty-four children with a primary diagnosis of an anxiety disorder, referred for outpatient treatment at a hospital, and their parents participated in a manualized 12-session GCBT program. The Multidimensional Anxiety Scale for Children (MASC), administered at pretreatment, posttreatment, and at 4-month follow-up, served as the outcome measure. The psychometric properties of the adapted CIRS were good. Early involvement (EI) was calculated as the average score from Sessions 1 to 6 and late involvement (LI), the average score from Sessions 7 to 12. EI predicted lower MASC scores at posttreatment, after controlling for pretreatment MASC scores and for LI, B = – 1.05, t(3) = – 2.34, p < .05. EI did not predict outcomes at follow-up. Results were replicated using the original CIRS measure. Exploratory analyses suggested that the relationship between LI and treatment outcomes was moderated by medication. Involvement in therapy prior to exposures might be an important predictor of posttreatment outcomes in GCBT in a community setting.     

Curvature is a basic feature for visual search tasks.

A curved target can be found efficiently among straight distractors in a visual search task. This could reflect the status of curvature as a basic feature for visual search. Alternatively, curvature could be detected as a locus of high variation in orientation. In a series of experiments it is shown that efficient search for curvature is possible even if local variation in orientation is eliminated as a cue. This suggests that curvature is part of the set of basic features for visual search and that this set is derived relatively late in the course of visual processing.