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901.
902.
Victor Kumar 《Philosophical Studies》2011,152(1):135-154
Intellectualist theories attempt to assimilate know how to propositional knowledge and, in so doing, fail to properly explain
the close relation know how bears to action. I develop here an anti-intellectualist theory that is warranted, I argue, because
it best accounts for the difference between know how and mere “armchair knowledge.” Know how is a mental state characterized
by a certain world-to-mind direction of fit (though it is non-motivational) and attendant functional role. It is essential
of know how, but not propositional knowledge, that it makes possible performance errors and has the functional role of guiding
action. The theory is attractive, in part, because it allows for propositional, non-propositional and perhaps even non-representational
varieties of know how. 相似文献
903.
Tomasz Szkudlarek 《Studies in Philosophy and Education》2011,30(2):113-125
In this text I concentrate on semiotic aspects of the theory of political identity in the work of Ernesto Laclau, and especially
on the connection between metaphors, metonymies, catachreses and synecdoches. Those tropes are of ontological status, and
therefore they are of key importance in understanding the discursive “production” of identity in political and educational
practices. I use the conceptions of both Laclau and Eco to elucidate the operation of this structure, and illustrate it with
an example of the emergence of the “Solidarność” movement in Poland, expanding its analysis provided by Laclau. I focus on
the moment when one of particular demands assumes the representation of totality, which, in Laclau, is left to “circumstantial”
determination. This moment inspires several questions and needs to be given special attention if Laclau’s theory is to be
used in theory of education. It is so because theory of education cannot remain on the level of the ontological (which is
the core of Laclau’s achievement), but has to theorize “non-ontological” dimensions as well, that is the ontic (i.e. “content”
of education), the deontic (duty, obligation, and the normative in general), as well as what I call the deontological—the very relation between “what there is” and “what there is not” (including that which should be) as the locus of education. 相似文献
904.
Mary Healy 《Studies in Philosophy and Education》2011,30(3):229-240
This paper seeks to examine the plausibility of the concept of ‘Civic Friendship’ as a philosophical model for a conceptualisation
of ‘belonging’. Such a concept, would hold enormous interest for educators in enabling the identification of particular virtues,
attitudes and values that would need to be taught and nurtured to enable the civic relationship to be passed on from generation
to generation. I consider both of the standard arguments for civic friendship: that it can be understood within the Aristotelian
typology as either a form of utility friendship or as a form of virtue friendship. I argue that civic friendship may not be
the most appropriate model and that attempts to resolve the problems through looking on it as a political metaphor leave it
unable to fulfil the function for which it was originally designed in Ancient Greece. Finally, I emphasize the need to carefully
consider which particular metaphors we choose for civic relationships and how we subsequently use them. 相似文献
905.
Matthew Joel Sharpe 《Sophia》2011,50(4):577-592
What follows is a work of critical reconstruction of Camus' thought. It aims to answer to the wish Camus expressed in his
later notebooks, that he at least be read closely. Specifically, I hope to do three things. In Part I, we will show how Camus'
famous philosophy of the absurd represents a systematic scepticism whose closest philosophical predecessor is Descartes' method
of doubt, and whose consequence, as in Descartes, is the discovery of a single, orienting certainty, on the basis of which
Camus would proceed to pass beyond the 'nihilism' that conservative critics continued to level against him (MS 34). Part II
will unfold the central tenets of Camus' mature thought of rebellion, and show how Camus' central political claims follow
from his para-Cartesian claim to have found an irreducible or 'invincible' basis for a post-metaphysical ethics, consistent
with the most thoroughgoing epistemic scepticism. Part III then undertakes to show that the neoclassical rhetoric and positioning
Camus claimed for his postwar thought—as a thought of moderation or mesure, and a renewed Greek or Mediterranean naturalism—is
more than a stylistic pretension. It represents, so I argue, a singular amalgam of modern and philosophical classical motifs
which makes Camus' voice nearly unique in twentieth century ideas, and all the more worth reconsidering today. So let us proceed. 相似文献
906.
Takahiro Seki 《Studia Logica》2011,97(2):199-231
The admissibility of Ackermann’s rule γ is one of the most important problems in relevant logic. While the γ-admissibility of normal modal logics based on the relevant logic R has been previously discussed, the case for weaker relevant modal logics has not yet been considered. The method of normal
models has often been used to prove the γ-admissibility. This paper discusses which relevant modal logics admit γ from the viewpoint of the method of normal models. 相似文献
907.
The literature on quantum logic emphasizes that the algebraic structures involved with orthodox quantum mechanics are non
distributive. In this paper we develop a particular algebraic structure, the quasi-lattice (
\mathfrakI{\mathfrak{I}}-lattice), which can be modeled by an algebraic structure built in quasi-set theory
\mathfrakQ{\mathfrak{Q}} . This structure is non distributive and involve indiscernible elements. Thus we show that in taking into account indiscernibility
as a primitive concept, the quasi-lattice that ‘naturally’ arises is non distributive. 相似文献
908.
909.
Claudia W. Ruitenberg 《Studies in Philosophy and Education》2011,30(2):97-100
In recent years the French philosopher Jacques Rancière has addressed the predicament of artists and curators who, in their
eagerness to convey a critical message or engage their viewers in an emancipatory process, end up predetermining the outcomes
of the experience, hence blocking its critical or emancipatory potential. In this essay I consider Rancière’s writing on this
topic and draw out the parallels with the predicament of teachers and curriculum designers who have critical and emancipatory
objectives. The risk of education that strives for emancipation is that it can become so directive in steering students to
the “right” outcomes that it does not leave these students any intellectual room. Rancière’s work is helpful in reminding
us that teachers and curricula with explicitly critical, political, emancipatory objectives can defeat their own purposes
and become stultifying if they do not leave the student room to use her or his own intelligence. 相似文献
910.