Effects of postidentification feedback on eyewitness identification and nonidentification confidence

Two experiments investigated new dimensions of the effect of confirming feedback on eyewitness identification confidence using target-absent and target-present lineups and (previously unused) unbiased witness instructions (i.e., "offender not present" option highlighted). In Experiment 1, participants viewed a crime video and were later asked to try to identify the thief from an 8-person target-absent photo array. Feedback inflated witness confidence for both mistaken identifications and correct lineup rejections. With target-present lineups in Experiment 2, feedback inflated confidence for correct and mistaken identifications and lineup rejections. Although feedback had no influence on the confidence-accuracy correlation, it produced clear overconfidence. Confidence inflation varied with the confidence measure reference point (i.e., retrospective vs. current confidence) and identification response latency.     

Touch noise increases vibrotactile sensitivity in old and young

Stochastic resonance (SR) occurs when the detection of a subthreshold signal is aided by the presence of random energy fluctuations in the signal modality, commonly called noise. SR is counterintuitive because such noise usually worsens performance. Nonetheless, SR has been demonstrated both theoretically and experimentally in human sensory systems. Using a psychophysically sophisticated paradigm, we show that SR aids the detection of vibrating touch stimuli presented to the foot soles of both healthy elderly people with elevated vibrotactile thresholds and healthy young people with normal vibrotactile thresholds. The results also suggest that it is possible to know a priori the amount of noise needed for optimal SR effects given the degree to which the signal is subthreshold. Thus, SR may be practical as a rehabilitative aid for individuals with elevated sensory thresholds.     

Emotional effect of physical aggression among adults in the general population in a Canadian province

The emotional effect of personal involvement in physical aggression was examined in a random sample of 1,753 adults from Ontario, Canada, using Computer Assisted Telephone Interviewing (response rate of 67%). Respondents reported a range of emotional responses from feeling good or justified to feeling angry, upset, terrified, disgusted, hurt, and embarrassed. Open-ended responses regarding emotional response were rated by the authors for 149 incidents of aggression, which yielded five categories: (1) positive impact 4%, (2) no feeling or no effect 31%, (3) mildly negative 20%, (4) moderately negative 28%, and (5) severely negative 17% (Kappa statistic of interrater agreement=.77). The substantial proportion of incidents involving positive or no emotional response suggests that a greater understanding of aggression among individuals can be gained by the development and application of a quantitative measure of emotional response that reflects the full range of emotions (positive and negative), using dimensions identified in this study such as feeling upset, fear, and anger.     

The myth of a new tolerance for old differences: A rebuttal to meacham

This piece responds to Meacham's (1994) suggestion that prejudice may be replaced by tolerance through the simple understanding of two forms of individualism that may be expressed by members of society—that is, that if we move from a self-contained to an ensembled individualism, we will treat those different from ourselves in a more tolerant fashion. This model is criticized for its emphasis on tolerance of, rather than respect for, all groups in society and, furthermore, for its bias toward groups that are more highly valued by the current society.     

Outcome trees and baseball: A study of expertise and list-length effects

When people estimate the probability of an event using a list that includes all or most of the possible events, their estimate of that probability is lower than if the other possible events are not explicitly identified on the list (i.e., are collapsed into an all-other-possibilities category). This list-length (or pruning) effect has been demonstrated to occur even for people who have expertise or considerable knowledge in the event domain. We reasoned that the experts used in previous studies would be unlikely to have probabilistic representations of their problem domains (e.g., auto mechanics, auditors, hospitality managers). We used baseball experts (n= 35) and novices (n = 56) on the assumption that expertise in baseball almost certainly involves mental representations of probability for various baseball events. Subjects estimated the frequency of hits, walks, strikeouts, putouts, and “all other” outcomes for an average major league player in 100 times at bat. Other subjects estimated these event outcome frequencies in a short-list condition (e.g., strikeouts, walks, and “all other”). Strong list-length effects were observed with novices; the frequency estimate for strikeouts, for example, was nearly twice as high in the short-list condition as in the long-list condition. Experts, however, showed no list-length effect and their estimated probabilities were very near the actual (normatively correct) probabilities in all conditions. We argue that the omission effect can be overridden by strong mental representations of the family of possible events and/or a clear knowledge of the probabilities associated with the events. As well, we argue that list-length effects seem to result at least in part from an anchoring-and-adjustment strategy.     

Information quantity and quality affect the realistic accuracy of personality judgment

Triads of unacquainted college students interacted in 1 of 5 experimental conditions that manipulated information quantity (amount of information) and information quality (relevance of information to personality), and they then made judgments of each others' personalities. To determine accuracy, the authors compared the ratings of each judge to a broad-based accuracy criterion composed of personality ratings from 3 types of knowledgeable informants (the self, real-life acquaintances, and clinician-interviewers). Results supported the hypothesis that information quantity and quality would be positively related to objective knowledge about the targets and realistic accuracy. Interjudge consensus and self-other agreement followed a similar pattern. These findings are consistent with expectations based on models of the process of accurate judgment (D. C. Funder, 1995, 1999) and consensus (D. A. Kenny, 1994).     

Trust, Dependency, and Control in the Contemporary Organization

Trust is an essential element in productive and effective intraorganizational communication and interaction. The present study examined several consequences of trust in terms of influence strategies used and the frequency with which people interact with each other. The study also examined the extent to which the technology of work affects management's dependency on their employees. It was found that distrust of subordinates by managers (n = 275) was associated with the use of strong tactics of influence, little dependency on employees, and the use of personal-related characteristics to explain distrust. It was also found that distrust of managers by subordinates (n = 267) was associated with the use of strong methods of influence, less interaction, less attempts to influence, and the use of personal-related characteristics to explain lack of trust. These findings have clear implications for understanding the relation among worker trust, dependency, and social influence. The data suggest that both employees and employers could benefit from considering the importance of a trusting relationship in the workplace.     

Why are the three‐letter codes of a sheriff and a barber identical? understanding and interpreting occupational environments

This article provides career counselors and clients with useful information on understanding occupational environments. Specifically, the focus is on how to handle a situation in which a client's 3‐letter code is identical to 2 clearly divergent occupations.