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Thomas Teo 《Social and Personality Psychology Compass》2010,4(5):295-303
This article discusses the meaning of epistemological violence in the empirical social sciences. It is argued that the concept is closer to personal than to structural violence in that it has a subject, an object, and an action, even if the violence is indirect and nonphysical: the subject of violence is the researcher, the object is the Other, and the action is the interpretation of data that is presented as knowledge. Using a hypothetical example, the problem of interpretation in empirical research on the Other is discussed. Epistemological violence refers to the interpretation of social-scientific data on the Other and is produced when empirical data are interpreted as showing the inferiority of or problematizes the Other, even when data allow for equally viable alternative interpretations. Interpretations of inferiority or problematizations are understood as actions that have a negative impact on the Other. Because the interpretations of data emerge from an academic context and thus are presented as knowledge, they are defined as epistemologically violent actions. Problems, consequences, and practices surrounding this concept are discussed. 相似文献
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Lynda M. Sagrestano 《Psychology of women quarterly》1992,16(4):439-447
A review is presented of empirical research on the effects of gender and power on the use of influence strategies in interpersonal relationships. Several variables are considered, including gender, power, status, relationship of agent to target, and the goal of the influence attempt. Although gender appears to account for some of the findings, power and status are more critical variables in choice of power strategies. Because gender is inextricably linked to power and status, the relationship of gender to influence strategy usage can only be understood in terms of its relationship to power and status. 相似文献
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M. Victoria Costa 《Journal of applied philosophy》2004,21(1):1-14
abstract In Political Liberalism and later work John Rawls has recast his theory of justice as fairness in political terms. In order to illustrate the advantages of a liberal political approach to justice over liberal non‐political ones, Rawls discusses what kind of education might be required for future citizens of pluralistic and democratic societies. He advocates a rather minimal conception of civic education that he claims to derive from political liberalism. One group of authors has sided with Rawls’ political perspective and educational proposal, holding that a political approach and educational requirements that are not too demanding would have the advantage of being acceptable to a wide range of citizens with different religious, moral and philosophical perspectives. A second group of authors have criticized Rawls’ educational recommendations, holding that the production of a just society composed of reasonable citizens requires a more demanding civic education and, hence, that the political approach is not viable. The present paper argues that both groups are only partially right, and that there is a third way to understand civic education in Rawlsian terms, a way that is political but not minimal. 相似文献