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Recent findings suggest that mind-wandering—the occurrence of thoughts that are both stimulus-independent and task-unrelated—corresponds to temporary failures in attentional control processes involved in maintaining constant task-focused attention. Studies supporting this proposal are, however, limited by a possible confound between mind-wandering episodes and other kinds of conscious experiences, such as external distractions (i.e., interoceptive sensations and exteroceptive perceptions). In the present study, we addressed this issue by examining, in adolescents and young adults, the relations between tasks measuring attentional control abilities and a measure of mind-wandering that is distinct from external distractions. We observed (1) that adolescents experienced more frequent external distractions, but not more mind-wandering, than young adults during the Sustained Attention to Response Task (SART) and (2) that, in young adults, the influence of external distractions on SART performance was fully accounted for by attentional control abilities, whereas mind-wandering was associated with decreases in SART performance above and beyond what was explained by attentional control abilities. These results show that mind-wandering cannot be entirely reduced to failures in the ability to maintain one's attention focused on task, and suggest that external distractions rather than mind-wandering are due to attentional control failures.  相似文献   
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Recently, a number of distinguished critics have raised fundamental questions about the knowledge claims and practices of the mental health professions. We review a few of these critiques concerning such matters as pathologizing normal experiences and reactions to events and spreading not only our brain disease conception of mental illness but our Western “symptom repertoire” as well around the globe in a detrimental manner. It is striking that for the most part these critics have almost nothing to say about genuine alternatives to the problems and cultural deficits they identify. We suggest that work done by theoretical psychologists and others working in a similar vein in recent years might help both sharpen the analysis of these dilemmas and contribute something valuable to envisioning alternative therapeutic and cultural pathways of a better sort.  相似文献   
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In this reply, I discuss three reasons why the results of Koppel and Berntsen's original study and my study do not offer support for the youth bias. First, participants in Koppel and Berntsen's original study could have used their own memories of public events to indicate how old a typical person would most likely be when the most important public event during that person's life would occur. Second, the absence of the age effect in the second experiment seemed to be caused by the lack of power, making it unlikely that the expectations about the timing of important public events are shared by younger and older participants. Third, participants in my study expected that more events would occur in the period in which a prototypical person would be between 0 and 10 years old than in the period in which the person would be between 11 and 30 years old. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
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