Patterns of emotional responses to affective situations: Relations among happiness,sadness, anger,fear, depression,and anxiety

Although emotion research and clinical practice often implicitly entail judgments about the patterns and situational appropriateness of a person's emotional reactions, we have little empirical knowledge of how emotions typically interrelate during various affective situations. To assess patterns of response to normative situations, a questionnaire was constructed and validated to include items primarily eliciting one of six emotions (happiness, sadness, anger, fear, depression, and anxiety) and one of three intensities (low, moderate, and high). A total of 216 persons rated one of four forms of the questionnaire on each of the six emotional categories. Each of the six types of situations generated significantly different patterns of emotion. As Izard (1972) predicted, depression situations elicited more complex patterns of emotion than sadness situations, including significantly more anger, fear, and anxiety. In contrast, anxiety situations did not elicit more complex patterns than fear situations. Rather, the evidence was more consistent with the conclusion that fear is a particular type of anxiety. Various other relations among specific emotions are discussed, as well as some subtle sex differences and intensity effects. The data highlight the sensitivity with which the assessment of patterns of emotions associated with specific situations can produce new information about the nature of affective experience.     

Drives, affects, behavior--and learning: approaches to a psychobiology of emotion and to an integration of psychoanalytic and neurobiologic thought

Drawing on concepts and data from psychoanalysis, neuroscience, ethology, and experimental psychology, this paper suggests that affects are the prime movers of human motivation and have, in addition, these properties: they are neurophysiologically generated, sensationlike signals originating not in classical sensory systems, but in limbic structures; activation of the neurobiologic affect generators reliably triggers motor stereotype--like facial expression, posture, and tone of voice--which in turn transmit the physical data underlying empathy and emotional communication; and appetitively sought pleasant emotions-sensations and aversive dysphoric feelings serve respectively as the ultimate, "brain-synthesized" positive and negative reinforcers of emotional learning. The latter ideas point to derivative hypotheses: that parental nonverbal behavior and communication evoke in children the affects that guide character development and choice of defense, and that these processes are consistent with an affect-reinforced associative learning model comprising both operant and classical conditioning paradigms. Psychoanalysis as therapy, then, may mechanistically rely for its clinical effectiveness on extinctionlike processes in which new experience in the analyst-patient relationship leads to the modulation or extinction of initially crippling signal affects associatively linked to various other affects, appetites, and behaviors. Finally, the core hypotheses mesh both with recent findings from the cellular study of affect and learning mechanisms and with associative learning-unlearning assumptions variably explicit in psychoanalytic writings since the time of Freud's (1895) Project.