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Data from two batteries of tests administered to 129 and 233 adults, ranging from 20 to 79 years of age, were analyzed to explore the viability of models postulating that age differences in the quantity or efficiency of processing resources are responsible for many of the age differences observed in cognitive functioning. Path-analysis procedures were used to estimate the direct and indirect, or resource-mediated, effects of age on cognitive performance. Results, with simple speed and memory measures serving as the indexes of processing resources, indicated that there was little support for a strong resource model, and evidence derived from a weak resource model suggested that resource-mediated contributions to age differences are small, relative to those not mediated by processing resources. 相似文献
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Many investigators of auditory sensory memory have assumed that memory loss during a retention interval of some seconds results from a process (such as decay) that depends on the absolute amount of time that has elapsed since presentation of the sound. An alternative possibility, brought to light by studies on immediate verbal memory, is that it is the relative, rather than the absolute, amount of time that matters. We examine these factors in a tone-comparison study by varying not only the retention interval between two tones to be compared, but also the interpair interval. Relative time played a role, but absolute time also appeared to be important. Several concepts of “decay” are considered in relation to the results. 相似文献
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Cowan N Saults JS Brown GD 《Journal of experimental psychology. Learning, memory, and cognition》2004,30(3):639-644
The modality effect in immediate recall refers to superior recall of the last few items within lists presented in spoken as opposed to printed form. The locus of this well-known effect has been unclear. N. Cowan, J. S. Saults, E. M. Elliott, and M. Moreno (2002) introduced a new method to distinguish between the effects of input serial position, output serial position, and the number of items yet to be recalled and found that large modality effects occurred only in conditions in which delay and interference at output (from items already recalled) was high. The authors replicated that finding, even when the response period included output interference acoustically similar to the spoken stimuli to be recalled. However, the authors found that output delay and interference act only by lowering the level of performance to a more sensitive range. The modality effect thus originates during encoding of the list to be recalled, not during output. 相似文献
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Working memory (WM) capacity limit has been extensively studied in the domains of visual and verbal stimuli. Previous studies have suggested a fixed WM capacity of typically about three or four items, on the basis of the number of items in working memory reaching a plateau after several items as the set size increases. However, the fixed WM capacity estimate appears to rely on categorical information in the stimulus set (Olsson & Poom Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 102:8776-8780, 2005). We designed a series of experiments to investigate nonverbal auditory WM capacity and its dependence on categorical information. Experiments 1 and 2 used simple tones and revealed capacity limit of up to two tones following a 6-s retention interval. Importantly, performance was significantly higher at set sizes 2, 3, and 4 when the frequency difference between target and test tones was relatively large. In Experiment 3, we added categorical information to the simple tones, and the effect of tone change magnitude decreased. Maximal capacity for each individual was just over three sounds, in the range of typical visual procedures. We propose that two types of information, categorical and detailed acoustic information, are kept in WM and that categorical information is critical for high WM performance. 相似文献
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Daniel SJ Costa Rebecca Mercieca‐Bebber Claudia Rutherford Liam Gabb Madeleine T King 《Australian psychologist》2016,51(2):89-99
Cancer is now the biggest cause of mortality worldwide. Although the debilitating physical symptoms of cancer have long been known, the psychological and social impacts of cancer have become the subject of examination only relatively recently. The psychological outcomes that have been examined are primarily negative emotional variables, e.g., anxiety, but emerging research has focused on positive emotional variables, e.g., post‐traumatic growth, or cognitive outcomes. In this article, we provide a synthesis of reviews that have addressed the psychosocial impact of cancer. The framework for this synthesis is provided by a conceptualisation in which the presence of cancer impacts on psychosocial outcomes either directly or via mediating variables, including physical symptoms and treatment, and that this effect may be moderated by several variables, some characteristic of the person with cancer (demographic or personality‐related variables) and some characteristic of their environment (social support and medical variables). We also briefly examine the impact of cancer on the broader family unit following cancer diagnosis, treatment, survivorship and bereavement. We conclude that the heterogeneity of the cancer experience highlights the need for theoretically driven research and consistency in measurement approaches to determine mechanisms by which cancer exerts influence on psychosocial outcomes. This would allow development and delivery of targeted psychological interventions and a clearer delineation of the roles of the various parties, including clinical psychologists, family members and policymakers. 相似文献
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