How lexical decision is affected by recent experience: Symmetric versus asymmetric frequency-blocking effects

In a lexical decision task (LDT) in which list composition is manipulated, a typical finding to date has been a slowdown for easy items (e.g., high-frequency words) but little speedup for hard items (e.g., low-frequency words) when they are mixed together. This asymmetric frequency-blocking effect contrasts with the symmetric pattern (both a speedup for hard items and a slowdown for easy items when they are mixed together) observed with the naming task. In the present study, we investigated the mechanism responsible for the asymmetric blocking effect in the LDT within a model of blocking effect proposed by Mozer, Kinoshita, and Davis (2003), termed the adaptation-to-the-statistics-of-the-environment (ASE) model. Experiments 1A and 1B showed that when the same high- and low-frequency words were used, consistent with the existing literature, an asymmetric blocking effect was found in the LDT and a symmetric blocking effect was found in the naming task. Within the ASE model, a symmetric versus asymmetric blocking effect can be explained in terms of different asymptotic rates in subjective estimates of error probability. Experiments 2 and 3 tested and confirmed a prediction of the model based on this assumption that a speedup of hard items would be observed in an LDT with hard items whose subjective error probability asymptotes near zero (low-frequency words with high familiarity ratings that subjects could be certain were words). Implications of the model for task differences in reaction times are discussed.     

Sentence context effects on lexically ambiguous words: Evidence for a postaccess inhibition process

Two experiments were conducted to investigate the process involved in selecting the contextually appropriate meaning of a homograph. Both experiments employed a grammaticality decision task. In Experiment 1, the primary (more frequent) and secondary (less frequent) meanings of homographs were used as the target items requiring a “yes” decision. The results indicated that the effect of relative frequency of these meanings of homographs was reduced when the target word was preceded either by a semantically congruous or anomalous sentence context relative to when it was preceded by the grammatical morpheme “the” or “to.” Experiment 2 indicated that “no” decisions were consistently slower for syntactically unambiguous, but semantically ambiguous words (e.g., ORGAN, FEET) than for syntactically and semantically unambiguous words (e.g., CENT, LEND), irrespective of the type of preceding context. The results, taken as a whole, are best interpreted within the postaccess inhibition model of sentence-context effects suggested by Forster (1981).     

Pseudohomophone priming in lexical decision is not fragile in a sparse lexical neighborhood

In lexical decision, to date few studies in English have found a reliable pseudohomophone priming advantage with orthographically similar primes (the klip-plip effect; Frost, Ahissar, Gotesman, & Tayeb, 2003; see Rastle & Brysbaert, 2006, for a review). On the basis of the Bayseian reader model of lexical decision (Norris, 2006, 2009), we hypothesized that this was because in previous studies, lexical decisions could have been made without finding a match between the input and a unique lexical representation. Consistent with our hypothesis, we found that words from dense neighborhoods showed neither an orthographic form priming effect nor a pseudohomophone priming advantage; in contrast, with words from a sparse lexical neighborhood, a sizeable orthographic form priming effect was found, and a robust pseudohomophone priming advantage, which was not limited to the overlap of onset phoneme, was also observed. Identity primes produced greater facilitation than pseudohomophone primes. We consider the implication of these findings for the role of assembled phonology in lexical access.     

Explanation versus accommodation: Reply to Bowers (2010)

Bowers (2010) presented a critique of the account of masked priming presented by Norris and Kinoshita (2008) based on the Bayesian Reader model of visual word recognition (Norris, 2006). In this reply, we point out that: (1) Bowers' criticisms are based on his misunderstanding of both the Bayesian or ideal-observer approach, and the theoretical claims made in Norris and Kinoshita, and (2) Bowers' alternative account of the key data presented in Norris and Kinoshita relies on a series of ad hoc assumptions that are combined in different proportions to postdict any pattern of data.     

RT distribution analysis of category congruence effects with masked primes

Macquarie University, Sydney, New South Wales, Australia In the number magnitude decision task (“Is the number bigger/smaller than 5?”), response to a target (e.g., 3) is faster following a masked prime congruent with the target (e.g., 1) than it is following an incongruent prime (e.g., 9). This category congruence effect has been reported to be “interference-dominant” relative to a neutral prime (e.g., the # sign, the number 5) on the basis of the analysis of mean response time (RT). Using RT distribution analysis as well as mean RTs, we identified two bases for this pattern. One relates to the choice of neutral baseline: The # prime, unlike the digit prime, does not factor in the cost of perceptual transition between the prime and target, and therefore underestimates facilitation and overestimates the interference effect. The second basis of the interference-dominant pattern is a disproportionate slowdown of congruent trials in the slow RT bins. Furthermore, this slowdown is greater for primes that had been used as targets than it is with “novel” primes that have not been responded to as targets. We interpret the results as suggesting that the category congruence effect has two components with different time courses—one based on stimulus-response mapping, and the other on semantic categorization.     

Empirical study of Kanji as archetypal images: understanding the collective unconscious as part of the Japanese language

Chinese characters originated as a semiotic system independent from spoken language and in the Japanese language they function non-phonetically with speakers exhibiting right-hemispheric advantage in their processing. We tested the hypothesis that Chinese characters are archetypal images and therefore part of our collective unconscious memory. Our study builds on the first empirical study of archetypal memory of Rosen et al. (1991) which demonstrated that archetypal symbols presented matched with their correct meaning were better learned and recalled. In a series of three experiments we used 40 Chinese characters instead of the archetypal symbols used by Rosen, et al. (1991). The results provided empirical evidence that Chinese characters matched with their correct meaning were significantly better recalled than the ones that were mismatched. Thus, we demonstrated that there appears to be unconscious knowledge of the meaning of the Chinese characters which was triggered as a result of priming when the characters were correctly matched with their meaning. On this basis, we suggest that Chinese characters exhibit the same cognitive qualities as archetypal symbols. Thus, in the Japanese language an archetypal image is integrated non-phonetically into the system of language and signifies the concept independent from the phonetic signifier and is equal to it.     

Conserved evolutionary history for quick detection of threatening faces

Humans quickly recognize threats such as snakes and threatening faces, suggesting that human ancestors evolved specialized visual systems to detect biologically relevant threat stimuli. Although non-human primates also detect snakes quickly, it is unclear whether primates share the efficient visual systems to process the threatening faces of their conspecifics. Primates may not necessarily process conspecific threats by facial expressions, because threats from conspecifics in natural situations are often accompanied by other cues such as threatening actions (or attacks) and vocal calls. Here, we show a similar threat superiority effect in both humans and macaque Japanese monkeys. In visual search tasks, monkeys and humans both responded to pictures of a threatening face of an unfamiliar adult male monkey among neutral faces faster than to pictures of a neutral face among threatening faces. However, the monkeys’ response times to detect deviant pictures of a non-face stimulus were not slower when it was shown among threat faces than when it was shown among neutral faces. These results provide the first evidence that monkeys have an attentional bias toward the threatening faces of conspecifics and suggest that threatening faces are evolutionarily relevant fear stimuli. The subcortical visual systems in primates likely process not only snakes, but also more general biological threat-relevant stimuli, including threatening conspecific faces.     

Reading through a noisy channel: why there's nothing special about the perception of orthography

The goal of research on how letter identity and order are perceived during reading is often characterized as one of "cracking the orthographic code." Here, we suggest that there is no orthographic code to crack: Words are perceived and represented as sequences of letters, just as in a dictionary. Indeed, words are perceived and represented in exactly the same way as other visual objects. The phenomena that have been taken as evidence for specialized orthographic representations can be explained by assuming that perception involves recovering information that has passed through a noisy channel: the early stages of visual perception. The noisy channel introduces uncertainty into letter identity, letter order, and even whether letters are present or absent. We develop a computational model based on this simple principle and show that it can accurately simulate lexical decision data from the lexicon projects in English, French, and Dutch, along with masked priming data that have been taken as evidence for specialized orthographic representations.     

The masked onset priming effect in naming: computation of phonology or speech planning?

We investigated factors that modulate the presence of the masked onset priming effect in three naming experiments. In Experiment 1, we showed that the masked onset priming effect is found with regular words, but not with exception words, replicating the finding reported by Forster and Davis (1991). In Experiment 2, we used the conditional naming task in which words are mixed with nonwords and participants are instructed to name the item only if it is a word. The masked onset priming effect was eliminated in this experiment, but the regularity effect remained. In Experiment 3, regular and irregular words were mixed randomly, rather than in separate blocks as in Experiment 1. This reduced the size of the regularity effect, and the masked onset priming effect was again absent. We argue that these results, taken as a whole, are better interpreted within the view that the masked onset priming effect has its origin in the preparation of a speech response, rather than within the original dual-route interpretation proposed by Forster and Davis.