Stimulus characteristics that can enhance or decrease aggression: Associations with prior positive or negative reinforcements for aggression

To establish an analogue of the “weapons effect,” male university subjects were required to use a distinctive apparatus in delivering noxious sounds to a peer in an adjoining room, and then were either (a) positively reinforced, or (b) negatively reinforced, or (c) not given any reaction by the experimenter, for what they had done. Immediately after this, each person had to administer other noise blasts to someone else in a different manner, but with the previous noise machines (the fist “weapon”) being either present or not present. The initial “weapon's” presence augmented the effects of the prior reinforcement; the second victim was attacked most strongly after the men had been positively reinforced and the earlier “weapon” was nearby, whereas he received the fewest blasts if the subjects had been negatively reinforced and the earlier noise machine was present. Other evidence indicates (1) that the aggressive cue, the “weapon,” had not affected the subjects' aggressive intentions, (2) the results are not due simply to differences in moods or general arousal, and (3) the subjects were not aware of the hypothesis regarding the interaction of reinforcement and cue presence.     

The stimulating and inhibiting effects of weapons on Aggressive behavior

Evidence is presented suggesting that firearms violence is an important social problem. Research strongly suggests that the effectiveness of firearms as a cause of death and injury may be due to their widespread availability, their lethality, and the impulsivity of their use. The investigation of a possible causal link between firearms and impulsive aggression led to Berkowitz and LePage's (1967) weapons effect experiment. The results suggested that weapons can increase the instigation to aggression in aroused an uninhibited individuals. The researchers reasoned that weapons might stimulate aggression by classical conditioning processes resulting from learned associations between aggressive acts and weapons. Although a few studies have failed to reproduce an aggression-enhancing effect of weapons, the original finding has been replicated in several countries with diverse subject groups both in field and laboratory settings. However, these studies also indicate that many individuals may react with anxiety or fear in the presence of weapons and inhibit aggressive reactions. Manipulations of evaluation apprehension, subject suspiciousness, and/or hypothesis awareness about the purpose of the weapons in the experiments all seem to lead to reduced levels of aggressive response in the presence of weapons. These findings offer a possible explanation for the few failures to replicate the original weapons effect; if researchers used apprehensive subjects or subjects who were aware of possible experimental deceptions, they were more likely to observe an inhibitory reaction rather than an aggression-enhancing effect of weapons.     

Cognitive models of stereotype change (4): Motivational and cognitive influences

Three experiments investigating the effects of cognitive and motivational factors on stereotype change are reported. Trait ratings in all three experiments showed there to be greater stereotype-change when stereotype-inconsistent information was dispersed across many group members than when it was concentrated in only a few. A sorting task (Experiment 1) indicated that, in the concentrated conditions the stereotype disconfirmers were more strongly isolated from the rest of the group than in the dispersed conditions. Free recall protocols (Experiment 2) showed greater memory for the target exemplars when subjects anticipated interaction with a group member than when no interaction was anticipated. The questions subject chose to ask target group exemplars were also influenced by anticlpated future interaction. Subjects chose more stereotype-inconsistent questions when interactian was anticipated than when no interaction was anticipated. Experment 3 showed the impact of stereotype-inconsistent information to be greater when expectancies for the stereotyped group are weaker A cued-recall task yielded evidence of spontaneous subtyping. All these studies support the subtyping model, even in the presence of cognitive and motivational factors that might be expected to impede stereotype change.     

The Role of Auditory Cues in the Detection of State Anxiety 1

Detecting anxiety is essential in both help-giving settings and in everyday social relationships. The studies reported here represent a follow-up to an earlier set of studies in which observers (raters) accurately identified others' (expressers') state anxiety using either video-only cues or audio-video cues. The earlier studies had included expressers who were repressors and nonrepressors, while the present studies included only nonrepressors. Observers viewedheard selected segments of previously videotaped expressers' self-reported high and low state anxiety experiences. Surprisingly, unlike the earlier studies, state anxiety was significantly inaccurately evaluated when video-only cues were used, but when audio cues were available, state anxiety was correctly identified. Information in video-only cues seemed to mislead observers since low compared with high state anxiety was rated as more anxious. These studies, and the significant comparison between studies with audio cues present and with audio cues absent, indicate the impact of auditory cues in detecting state anxiety in others.     

Sexual Harassment: A Preliminary Test of an Integrative Model1

Despite the recent increase in research on sexual harassment, most studies have examined the relevant variables in isolation, and little is known concerning the ways in which they may interact or the relative importance of their effects for individuals or organizations. Fitzgerald and her colleagues (Fitzgerald, Hulin, & Drasgow. 1995; Fitzgerald & Ormerod, 1993) proposed a model of the antecedents and outcomes of sexual harassment in organizations. The present study examines a modified version of this model using path analysis with a sample of women employed by the federal government in the late 1980s. These analyses support the basic form of the model, suggesting that sexual harassment is a joint function of the gender context of the victim's job, her relative vulnerability, and the tolerance of the organization for sexual harassment. In turn, harassment was shown to have a negative impact on work and health-related outcomes, exacerbated by assertive coping responses. The implications for organizations are discussed along with recommendations for more stringent tests of the model.     

Investigations of closure processes: What source-monitoring judgments suggest about what is “closing”

On many occasions, the perception of an object is based on incomplete information because portions of the object are occluded from view. Nevertheless, people are able to identify an occluded object, suggesting that the identification is mediated by the activation of completion processes which “fill in” the missing information. Although these completion processes are invoked as causal mechanisms for many phenomena, the processes mediating the “completion” have not been specified. The present experiments tested two potential explanations for closure processes. In each experiment, participants were presented with pictures, complete or incomplete in form, and, on a surprise source-monitoring task, they were then asked to remember whether pictures had been presented complete or incomplete in form. Whether viewing pictures of objects, faces, or camouflaged objects, participants showed a pronounced tendency to claim that incomplete pictures were actually presented complete in form. This bias was evident after the participants described functions for objects (Experiments 1, 1A, and 2), after they evaluated properties of faces (Experiment 4), and after they searched for objects hidden in a complex scene (Experiment 5). However, this bias was not evident after they simply named objects portrayed in pictures (Experiment 3). This bias is interpreted as evidence for the activation of implicit imaginal processing. The results of these experiments are informative in their contribution to our understanding of the bases of closure, an intuitively appealing notion frequently invoked to account for object identification, but, as yet, not fully understood.