THE STRUCTURE AND PROCESS OF INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT*

In the present article, a theory of intellectual development is summarized which attempts to integrate the general structural approach pioneered by Piaget, with the more recent ‘process’ oriented approaches proposed by information processing theorists on the one hand, and by Pascual-Leone (in his M-Operator theory) on the other. The resultant theory is one which proposes that children's control structures progress through four general stages in the course of their development, with three recursive substages being identifiable at each. Transition to a new stage of development occurs as a result of the hierarchical integration of two qualitatively distinct control structures, each one of which was assembled and consolidated towards the end of the previous stage. By contrast, progress within a stage occurs as a result of the step-wise attention to, and non-hierarchical integration of, an increasing number of similar elements, each one of which was assembled towards the beginning of the new stage. The variable that determines the maximum rate at which within-stage progress can take place is the size of the child's working memory, which is seen as growing in response to both maturational and experiential variables. A similar process is seen as determining the timing of across-stage transitions; however, this process is as yet less well articulated. Several different sorts of empirical evidence have been gathered so far, to support the overall structure of the theory. After this evidence is described and illustrated, the article concludes with a summary of the theory in postulate form.     

Semantic interpretation effects on memory for faces

Five experiments investigated the effects of semantically interpreting faces on their recognition. Experiment 1 demonstrated that faces could meaningfully be related to occupational categories. In Experiments 2–5, each of a set of faces was presented with either the label of a congruent occupational category or a noncongruent label. Presenting a face with a congruent occupational label was found to enhance recognition that the face had previously been seen (Experiments 2–4), but congruent labeling also impaired the detection of distractor faces that matched previously seen faces’ categories (Experiments 3 and 4). In a forced-choice recognition test, in which distractors were highly similar to originally seen faces, congruent occupational labeling failed to increase recognition of previously seen faces (Experiment 5). These results indicate that interpreting faces, with respect to stereotyped categories, ratherthan improving a physical codein memory, led to theformation of a semantic code, which increased recognition of old items at the expense of the detection of new items. Another general finding was that faces that were rated more stereotypical were more recognizable, regardless of the accompanying label.     

Operational efficiency and the growth of short-term memory span

Four studies are reported which link developmental increases in memory span with developmental increases in operational speed or efficiency. In the first, a linear relationship is demonstrated between increases in word span and increases in speed of word repetition. In the second, adults and 6-year-olds are equated on speed of word repetition, by manipulating word familiarity. It is shown that their word spans are no longer different under these conditions. Similar findings are then reported for a test of M space called “Counting Span.” First, a linear relationship is demonstrated between increases in Counting Span and increases in speed of counting. Next, adults and 6-year-olds are equated on speed of counting, by forcing adults to count in an unfamiliar language. It is shown that their counting spans are no longer different under these conditions. The conclusion is that developmental increases in memory span do not result from increases in total processing space. Rather, with development, basic operations become faster and more efficient. This means that they require less processing space, and that more space becomes available for storage as a result.     

When is it wrong to eat animals? The relevance of different animal traits and behaviours

Research suggests that animals’ capacity for agency, experience, and benevolence predict beliefs about their moral treatment. Four studies built on this work by examining how fine‐grained information about animals’ traits and behaviours (e.g., can store food for later vs. can use tools) shifted moral beliefs about eating and harming animals. The information that most strongly affected moral beliefs was related to secondary emotions (e.g., can feel love), morality (e.g., will share food with others), empathy (e.g., can feel others' pain), social connections (e.g., will look for deceased family members), and moral patiency (e.g., can feel pain). In addition, information affected moral judgements in line with how it affected superordinate representations about animals’ capacity for experience/feeling but not agency/thinking. The results provide a fine‐grained outline of how, and why, information about animals’ traits and behaviours informs moral judgements.     

Justice for whom, exactly? Beliefs in justice for the self and various others

The present studies examine why people think the world is more just to themselves than to others generally. Beliefs in justice for the self were uniquely associated with psychological adjustment, consistent with the theoretical motive to believe in justice for the self (Studies 1 and 2). However, this "justice motive" did not appear to affect the relative strength of justice beliefs. Instead, self-other differences in justice beliefs appeared to reflect objective assessments of the justice received by various demographics. Undergraduates believed the world to be more just to themselves than to others but not their undergraduate peers specifically (Study 1). Participants of both genders believed the world to be more just to men, and to themselves, than to women (Study 2). Women did not exempt themselves individually from injustice but believed, similar to men, that undergraduate women receive as much justice as men (Study 3).     

Acutely induced anxiety increases negative interpretations of events in a closed-circuit television monitoring task

In two experiments we measured the effects of 7.5% CO₂ inhalation on the interpretation of video footage recorded on closed circuit television (CCTV). As predicted, inhalation of 7.5% CO₂ was associated with increases in physiological and subjective correlates of anxiety compared with inhalation of medical air (placebo). Importantly, when in the 7.5% CO₂ condition, participants reported the increased presence of suspicious activity compared with placebo (Experiment 1), a finding that was replicated and extended (Experiment 2) with no concomitant increase in the reporting of the presence of positive activity. These findings support previous work on interpretative bias in anxiety but are novel in terms of how the anxiety was elicited, the nature of the interpretative bias, and the ecological validity of the task.     

The establishment of auditory–visual equivalence classes with a go/no-go successive matching-to-sample procedure

The current study evaluated the effectiveness of a go/no-go successive matching-to-sample procedure (S-MTS) to establish auditory–visual equivalence classes with college students. A sample and a comparison were presented, one at a time, in the same location. During training, after an auditory stimulus was presented, a green box appeared in the center of the screen for participants to touch to produce the comparison. Touching the visual comparison that was related to the auditory sample (e.g., A1B1) produced points, while touching or refraining from touching an unrelated comparison (e.g., A1B2) produced no consequences. Following AB/AC training, participants were tested on untrained relations (i.e., BA/CA and BC/CB), as well as tacting and sorting. During BA/CA relations tests, after touching the visual sample, the auditory stimulus was presented along with a white box for participants to respond. During BC/CB relations tests, after touching the visual sample, a visual comparison appeared. Across 2 experiments, all participants met emergence criterion for untrained relations and for sorting. Additionally, 14 out of 24 participants tacted all visual stimuli correctly. Results suggest the auditory–visual S-MTS procedure is an effective alternative to simultaneous MTS for establishing conditional relations and auditory-visual equivalence classes.     

Aesthetic practices and normativity

What should we do, aesthetically speaking, and why? Any adequate theory of aesthetic normativity must distinguish reasons internal and external to aesthetic practices. This structural distinction is necessary in order to reconcile our interest in aesthetic correctness with our interest in aesthetic value. I consider three case studies—score compliance in musical performance, the look of a mowed lawn, and literary interpretation—to show that facts about the correct actions to perform and the correct attitudes to have are explained by norms internal to a practice. Practice-internal norms, however, cannot settle the distinct question of which practices we have reason to opt into. When it comes to the source of aesthetic normativity—in virtue of what aesthetic value is genuinely reason-giving—I argue that existing accounts, which appeal to pleasure or achievement, are inadequate. The only practice-external aesthetic requirement is a generic one to opt into at least some aesthetic practices.