Children's capacity to agree to psychological research: knowledge of risks and benefits and voluntariness

A series of studies investigated the capacity of children between the ages of 7 and 12 to give free and informed consent to participation in psychological research. Children were reasonably accurate in describing the purpose of studies, but many did not understand the possible benefits or especially the possible risks of participating. In several studies children's consent was not affected by the knowledge that their parents had given their permission or by the parents saying that they would not be upset if the children refused. In contrast, other studies found that children were much more likely to stop their participation if the experimenter said explicitly that she would not be upset if they stopped. We suggest that experimenters should pay more attention to describing the possible risks and benefits of participation in research, and that they should also make it clearer to children that they are free to stop once they have begun.     

Distributive justice and the minnesota health access initiative

As I have suggested, from the perspective of distributive justice MinnesotaCare's reforms are inadequate. But to coin (and alter slightly) a phrase of Kant's, if its authors do not deserve our moral esteem, perhaps they do merit our encouragement, and it is on a note of the latter that I will conclude. MinnesotaCare is an experiment in systemic incremental change being performed in a complex health care system, the only true laboratory for such an experiment. For this reason, it will provide us important information concerning the ethics, economics, [and] the politics of health care reform while improving the position of some Minnesotans in a significant way. Thus, while MinnesotaCare is susceptible to forceful moral criticism, as an experiment in reform it holds out the promise of providing us some of the data necessary for discovering a just solution.     

2001年的科学哲学

一种民主制度的最重要也是讨论最少的任务之一就是要保护它的成员免遭这种制度中的意识形态的伤害.必须正确地看待所有的意识形态.人们必须把它们当作神话故事来看待,它们能告诉人很多有趣的事,但也包含了很多谬误和令人生厌的谎言.当人们按照某一观点行动时,他们的态度也应该像密探一样,为了在一个陌生的国家里获得成功而采纳它的信仰并在细枝末节上按照这些信仰去做,但并不全盘接受.这一点适用于所有的信仰,适用于基督教上帝的存在这一信仰,适用于所有的人生来平等的信仰,也适用于科学.那么,这是否是一种陌生和荒谬的态度呢?科学当然总是处在与权威主义和迷信战斗的前沿.相对于宗教信仰而言,我们有了越来越大的思想自由,这应当归功于科学;人类从古代的僵硬思维方式中解放出来,也应当归功于科学.今天,这些思维方式仅仅是一些糟糕的     

Changes in spinal reflex excitability in a countermanded timed response task

Subjects (N = 8) performed a timed response task in which they attempted to synchronize an impulsive foot-press response with the last in a series of four regularly spaced tones. In Experiment 1, the response was countermanded on one third of the trials (stop trials) by a stop signal that appeared at a predetermined delay after the third tone. No stop signal appeared on the remaining trials (go trials). All subjects showed a systematic transition from withholding the response on stop trials in which the stop signal appeared shortly after the third tone to executing the response on trials in which a single stop signal delay had been chosen so that a response would be made on about 50% of the stop trials. We elicited Hoffmann (H) reflexes from the soleus muscle on all trials to determine whether the reflexes were augmented on occasions on which a response was prepared but withheld. Mean H-reflex amplitudes on go trials and on stop trials on which the response was executed were similar and showed a marked augmentation beginning about 250 ms before response onset; mean H-reflex amplitudes on stop trials on which the response was withheld showed less pronounced augmentation. Inspection of individual H-reflex amplitudes revealed that on stop trials on which the response was withheld the reflexes could be augmented to the same extent as on trials on which the response was executed. This dissociation of H-reflex augmentation and response execution shows that H-reflex augmentation reflects a controlled response process. Ballistic response processes therefore must be limited to a brief duration.     

Crossing without vision of path gaps

Two experiments considered the behavior of subjects who cross gaps in a pathway without benefit of vision. The first experiment contrasted visually and nonvisually guided locomotion, finding a significantly greater number of refusals under nonvisual guidance but no loss of appropriate modulation of step components to the salient dimensions of the actor and layout. Different components of crossing were modified under guidance of different sensory systems; the lengths of the crossing and support spans were primarily altered under nonvisual guidance, and the distance of the support foot to the near edge of the gap was the component of preference under visual guidance. In the second experiment, subjects crossed nonvisually, using probes that varied in length and moment of inertia. The adaptability of the step components to actor and layout dimensions was unchanged, but there was no effect of these mechanical manipulations on the components of crossing identified in Experiment 1.     

现实化的可能体与最简的量化模态逻辑

现实论(actualism)这项方案,旨在清除逻辑与模态形而上学中那些讨人嫌的本体论承诺。它从一切存在的都是现实的这个观点出发,试图重新解释语言,以避免承诺“可能体”(possibilia)的存在。所谓“可能体”,指那些可能的,但非现实的对象。量化模态逻辑(QML)似乎就要求这种对象存在。最简QML为古典量化理论与模态命题逻辑之合并,可是它使巴康(Barcan)公式(今日x由→ax令Q)有效。从而,由可能存在一头会说话的驴子这个事实,就推出了存在某物,它可能是一头会说话的驴子。这看起来在宣称一个可能实体的存在(假定每个现实的东西都不可能是会说话的驴子)。现实论者们大力主张克里普克(Kripke)所描述的语义学,以此来免除这项承诺,这种语义学采用了可变论域,因而使巴康公式归于无效。     

生命保护的推断论理由

推断论伦理学家就堕胎和安乐死的问题而提出的命题,主要是澳大利亚人P.辛格的那些命题,一直引起激烈的论战。推断论将生命保护理解为一种利益保护,它使个体的生命权利依赖于成为人的那种特性。按照推断论的观点,不是所有人类的个体都是人,因而就不能赋予非—个人的人类个体以生命权利——这在实践中是有相应的结果的。不管对P.辛格的命题在感情上的反应多么可以理解,光靠这些命题是得不到什么结果的,因为重要的是研究这些命题所引用的证据,研究那些已经决定了推断论的问题表述的前概念。只要推断论的潜在的前题不受到怀疑,人们也许将无法摆脱单纯的口头侮辱。