Effects of small monetary incentives on return rates of a health survey to adults in rural areas

This study assessed differences in response rates to a mailed health survey by adults in two neighboring rural midwestern counties with differential incentives, of dollar 2.00 and dollar 5.00. Potential respondents in each county were randomly selected from a commercial database of residents' addresses. County "F" respondents (n = 541) which were 57% female and 95% Euro-American having a mean age of 47.3 yr. (SD= 16.9), received the dollar 5 incentive. County "H" respondents (n= 514) were 63% female, 95% Euro-American, had a mean age of 49.0 yr. (SD= 14.7), and received a S2 incentive. The response rates were 71% using the dollar 2 incentive and 73% using the dollar 5 incentive. These were not significantly different by chi-square test. The more cost-effective incentive for increasing the response rate of adults in this rural midwestern sample was to code the envelopes and use a dollar 2.00 rather than dollar 5.00 incentive, a cost per returned survey of dollar 5.24 versus dollar 9.13, respectively. The findings support Dillman's principle of diminishing returns as the size of the incentive goes up.     

Children's suggestibility for an instance of a repeated event versus a unique event: the effect of degree of association between variable details

Are children who experience an event repeatedly more suggestible about an instance of the event than children who experience it once? Researchers have answered this question both in the affirmative and in the negative. In this study, we hypothesized that the degree of association between details that changed across instantiations of the event would help to explain the discrepancy. Preschoolers (4- and 5-year-olds) and first graders (6- and 7-year-olds) participated in either a single play session or four repeated play sessions, each of which contained 16 critical details. Across play sessions in the repeat-event condition, half of the critical details were associated and half were not associated. During a biasing interview 2 weeks later, children were misinformed about half of the critical details. The next day, children answered free and cued recall questions about the target play session. Among older children, repeat-event participants were more suggestible than single-event participants, especially for high-association details. Among younger children, repeat-event participants were more suggestible than single-event participants for low-association details. Consistent with some current theories of children's memory, older children were more suggestible than younger children.     

A Paradoxical Account of Divine Omnipresence

This essay examines the doctrine of divine omnipresence. I begin by presenting three desiderata for an adequate account of omnipresence. Four accounts are analyzed in light of these desiderata, two in the tradition and two in contemporary philosophical theology. I argue that none succeed in providing an adequate account of divine omnipresence. As an alternative, I offer a paradoxical account of omnipresence, arguing that one can be rational in affirming that what appears to be a doctrine afflicted by apparent contradiction is in fact merely a paradox. I explain what makes affirmations of paradoxical doctrines rational, why omnipresence should be understood as a paradox, and discuss a similar account of omnipresence in the writings of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite.     

A moving cast shadow diminishes the Pulfrich phenomenon

It is demonstrated that the presence of a moving cast shadow diminishes the Pulfrich phenomenon. This complements previous work by Kersten, Knill, Mamassian, and Bülthoff [1996 Nature (London) 379 31] indicating that visible cast shadows can override monocularly based cues to the perceived trajectory of a moving object. The present finding with the Pulfrich phenomenon indicates the effectiveness of shadows for overriding binocularly based cues to the perceived trajectory of a moving object.     

The Role of Counterfactual Thinking and Causal Attribution in Accident-Related Judgments

The effects of counterfactual thinking and causal attribution on accident-related judgments were investigated. Subjects read about a couple who died in an automobile accident where mutability of the outcome was varied. Mutability refers to the extent that a factual event can be mentally altered, with mutable outcomes more easily imagined otherwise than immutable outcomes. In comparison to the immutable scenario, participants reading the mutable scenario saw the accident as more avoidable, ascribed a greater causal role to the accident perpetrator, and perceived the perpetrator having more causal control over the couple's deaths. In addition to increased anger, a harsher financial penalty was levied against the accident perpetrator by participants in the mutable than in the immutable condition. Multiple regression analysis supported the efficacy of attribution theory to explain the affective and behavioral consequences of counterfactual thinking in accident-related judgments.     

Decision responsibility, task responsibility, identifiability, and social loafing

Two laboratory experiments were conducted. Results of the first experiment revealed that identifiability had no impact on the degree of cognitive loafing when group members were asked to make a decision. Identifiability did have an impact when group members were asked to express an opinion. The second experiment replicated findings of the first experiment and, in addition, indicated that unidentifiable individuals with sole task responsibility loafed more than unidentifiable individuals who shared task responsibility. Cognitive effort was measured through recall of stimulus material.     

School counselors' knowledge of eating disorders

The purpose of this study was to examine school counselors' knowledge of adolescent eating disorders, specifically anorexia and bulimia nervosa. Participants were drawn from the national membership of the American Association of School Counselors; they were requested to complete a 43-item questionnaire on eating disorders. Of the 500 participants randomly selected, 337 (67%) returned usable questionnaires. There were 220 female and 117 male counselors; the mean age was 45.2 years. The majority held a master's degree and counseled high school students; the mean number of years they had been school counselors was 12.2. When asked how competent they were in helping students with eating disorders, 11% rated themselves as very competent, 49% believed they were moderately competent, and 40% believed they were not very competent. The majority (75%) did not believe it was their role to treat students with eating disorders; they were instead referred to an eating disorders program (40%), their parents (34%), or a psychiatrist or other physician (34%). The majority of counselors (72%) had encountered anorexic or bulimic students; the most common method of discovering students with a problem was by being informed by fellow students (35%). The majority of respondents were very knowledgeable regarding the signs and symptoms of anorexia and bulimia nervosa. Examination of their general knowledge of eating disorders revealed that they knew more about anorexia than bulimia. The two sources of eating disorders information utilized by at least half of the respondents were professional journals (70%) and workshops/professional conferences (56%).     

GENDER AND TASK IN THE DETERMINATION OF SPATIAL COGNITIVE PERFORMANCE

A variety of sex differences in spatial cognitive performance have been documented. However, factors other than those specifically related to gender and cognition per se, such as the perceived spatial character of given tasks, may contribute to such differences. In the present experiments, spatial memory and mental image rotation tasks were presented to female and male adults. The task formats or instructions were varied to emphasize or deemphasize the spatial character of the tasks. Highly "spatial" instructions or format significantly depressed performance on spatial tasks for women but not for men. "Nonspatial" instructions or format, within which the spatial character of the task was not explicit, resulted in no significant differences between the performances of women and men on either type of task. These findings indicate that instructional or format effects relating to the purported "spatial" character of a given task may significantly influence the relative performance of women and men.