Measuring socioeconomic status: reliability and preliminary validity for different approaches

This study investigated issues related to commonly used socioeconomic status (SES) measures in 140 participants from three cities (Atlanta, Boston, and Toronto) in two countries (United States and Canada). Measures of SES were two from the United States (four-factor Hollingshead scale, Nakao and Treas scale) and one from Canada (Blishen, Carroll, and Moore scale). Reliability was examined both within (interrater agreement) and across (intermeasure agreement) measures. Interrater reliability and classification agreement was high for the total sample (ranger = .86 to .91), as were intermeasure correlations and classification agreement (range r = .81 to .88). The weakest agreement across measures was found when families had one wage earner who was female. Validity data for these SES measures with academic and intellectual measures also were obtained. Some support for a simplified approach to measuring SES was found. Implications of these findings for the use of SES in social and behavioral science research are discussed.     

Targets of the memorized position and visual contexts]

The goal of this study was to determine whether a sensorimotor or cognitive encoding is used to encode a target position and save it into iconic memory. The methodology consisted of disrupting a manual aiming movement to a memorized visual target by displacing the visual field containing the target. The nature of the encoding was inferred from the nature and the size of the errors relative to a control. The target was presented either centrally or in the right periphery. Participants moved their hand from the left to the right of fixation. Black and white vertical stripes covered the whole visual field. The visual field was either stationary throughout the trial or was displaced to the right or left at the extinction of the target or at the start of the hand movement. In the latter case, the displacement of the visual field obviously could only be taken into account by the participant during the gesture. In this condition, our hypothesis was that the aiming error would follow the direction of visual field displacement. Results showed three major effects: (1) Vision of the hand during the gesture improved the final accuracy; (2) visual field displacement produced an underestimation of the target distance only when the hand was not visible during the gesture and was always in the same direction displacement; and (3) the effect of the stationary structured visual field on aiming precision when the hand was not visible depended on the distance to the target. These results suggest that a stationary structured visual field is used to support the memory of the target position. The structured visual field is more critical when the hand is not visible and when the target appears in peripheral rather than central vision. This suggests that aiming depends on memory of the relative peripheral position of the target (allocentric reference). However, in the present task, cognitive encoding does not maintain the "position" of the target in memory without reference to the environment. The systematic effect of the visual field displacement on the manual aiming suggests that the role of environmental reference frames in memory for position is not well understood. Some studies, in particular those of Giesbrecht and Dixon (1999) and Glover and Dixon (2001), suggested differing roles of the environment in the retention of the target position and the control of aiming movements toward the target. The present observations contribute to understanding the mechanism involved in locating and grasping objects with the hand.     

Selective influence of second target exposure duration and Task1 load effects in the attentional blink phenomenon

The purpose of the experiments was to constrain the locus of interference in the attentional blink (AB) paradigm. Two visual stimuli, T₁ and T₂, were shown 300 msec apart, and each was followed by a mask. T₁ was an “H,” an “S,” an “ &, ” or a blank field; T₂ consisted of five letters. In Task₁, blank fields and & characters could be ignored, whereas Hs and Ss had to be identified and reported. Task₂ was always to report as many letters as possible from T₂. Task₂ performance was lower when T₁ had to be reported, as expected from the attentional blink phenomenon (AB). The exposure duration of T₂ was also manipulated. More letters could be reported as exposure duration was increased. However, this effect was additive with manipulations of Task₁ processing load that produced the AB effect. Log-linear analyses assuming that effects of T₂ exposure duration and Task₁ load effects occur at functionally distinct stages of processing provided satisfactory fits to the results, suggesting that none of the AB effect occurs as early as those of T₂ exposure duration. The results suggest that the locus of the AB effect is later than the stage(s) of processing affected by exposure duration.     

The name game: using retrieval practice to improve the learning of names

In medium-sized groups such as classes, it is often desirable that the members become acquainted with one another. Toward this end, various methods of introducing group members are often used, with only anecdotal evidence for their effectiveness. The name game is a method for introducing group members that is based on the principles of retrieval practice. The authors compared 2 versions of the name game with a widely used introductory method--pairwise introductions--and found that the name game participants were much better at remembering one another's name after 30 min, 2 weeks, and 11 months. A second experiment tested the contribution of retrieval practice by comparing 2 versions of the name game with a procedure that was matched for number of repetitions and time spent on the task. Again, the name games were superior.     

Young children's use of functional information to categorize artifacts: three factors that matter

Three experiments addressed factors that might influence whether or not young children take into account function, as opposed to overall appearance or shape, when they extend the names of novel artifacts. Experiment 1 showed that 4-year-olds more often extend a name on the basis of a demonstrated function when that function provides a plausible causal account of perceptible object structure. Experiment 2 showed that they more often extend a name by function when they respond slowly, and hence thoughtfully. Experiment 3 demonstrated that they are more likely to take function into account when they extend names than when they judge similarities. Comparisons of lexical and non-lexical conditions in younger children failed to show any differences. Overall, the findings suggest that by 4 years of age, children may learn names as labels for novel artifact kinds rather than perceptual classes, and that the processes by which they categorize may be mindful and reflective, as in adults.     

Testing the predictions of the central capacity sharing model

The divergent predictions of 2 models of dual-task performance are investigated. The central bottleneck and central capacity sharing models argue that a central stage of information processing is capacity limited, whereas stages before and after are capacity free. The models disagree about the nature of this central capacity limitation. The central bottleneck model claims that central processing acts on only 1 task at a time and, therefore, constitutes a bottleneck that processes tasks serially. The central capacity sharing model postulates that the central stage is a limited-capacity parallel processor that divides resources among to-be-performed tasks. As a result of this difference, in the psychological refractory period paradigm, the central capacity sharing model predicts that lengthening Task 2 precentral processing will improve Task 1 performance at short stimulus onset asynchronies, whereas the central bottleneck model does not. Results of 2 experiments confirm the prediction of the central capacity sharing model.     

Bilingualism affects picture naming but not picture classification

Bilinguals named pictures in their dominant language more slowly (and with more errors) than did monolinguals. In contrast, bilinguals named the same pictures as quickly as did monolinguals on the fifth presentation (in Experiment 2) and classified them (as human made or natural) as quickly and accurately as did monolinguals (in Experiment 1). In addition, bilinguals retrieved English picture names more quickly if they knew the name in both Spanish and English (on the basis of a translation test that bilinguals completed after the timed tasks), and monolingual response times for the same materials suggested that this finding was not obtained simply because names that were easier to translate were easier in general. These findings suggest that bilinguals differ from monolinguals at a postconceptual processing level, that implicit activation of lexical representations in the nontarget language can facilitate retrieval in the target language, and that being bilingual is analogous to having a lexicon full of lower frequency words, relative to monolinguals.     

Recent exposure to a dangerous context impairs extinction and reinstates lost fear reactions

Rats were shocked in a context and then exposed to that context in the absence of shock. Shorter intervals between these extinction trials produced more long-term freezing than did longer ones, and shorter intervals between the final extinction trial and test produced more freezing than did longer ones. A short interval between a context extinction trial and test with an extinguished conditioned stimulus (CS) produced more freezing than did a longer one, and a short interval between a nonreinforced context exposure and an extinguished CS reinstated freezing when the CS was tested 24 hr later. The results suggest that recent fear acts to favor subsequent retrieval of the memory formed at conditioning rather than extinction and to render the retrieved memory more salient.