A developmental exploration of the fear of success phenomenon as cultural stereotype

Given prior research suggesting that fear of success may be a function of cultural expectations rather than an intrapsychic motive held by women, this cultural phenomenon was placed in juxtaposition with reactions to women and men failing. It was expected that women would not be rated negatively for failure. It was also expected that in a sample of third, sixth, ninth, and twelfth graders, younger children would be more dogmatic than older children in applying cultural stereotypes to these situations. The children responded on semantic differential scales to the cue of Anne (John) succeeding (failing) in medical school. The children rated a successful person much happier than one who failed, and the sex of the person succeeding or failing was entirely irrelevant. However, the results were as predicted for niceness: A woman was somewhat less nice than a man when they both succeeded, but a man was much less nice when they both failed. In addition, there were no interactions with the age or sex of the respondents. Thus, sex-role expectations are relevant to some attributes of individuals but not others, and these expectations are well established and easily applied as early as third grade.The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of the students, staff, and parents of the DeForest, Wisconsin, school district. The following students were experimenters and coders: Susan Artz, Mark Bouril, Lisa Braun, Debby Callan, Joanne Carlson, Mary Draeger, Linda Fibich, Sam Freedman, Tom Frieder, Patti Gorsky, Mark Jaeger, Cheryl Kent, Rich Nagel, Dave Novak, Jon Olson, Jean Phillips, Jeff Richter, Becky Rogers, Roy Strasburg, Peggy Vlasak, and Rod Witwer. An earlier version of this article was presented as a paper at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, Denver, April, 1975.     

Hedonic contrast and condensation: Good stimuli make mediocre stimuli less good and less different

Loud sounds make soft sounds softer (contrast) and also make them less discriminable (which we callcondensation). We report on parallel phenomena in hedonics: Good stimuli reduce the pleasantness of less good stimuli, and also reduce people’s preferences among the less good stimuli. In Experiment 1, subjects rated the pleasantness of fruit juices diluted to approximate hedonic neutrality. Subjects who had just previously drunk and rated some good-tasting full-strength juices rated the diluted juices lower than did subjects who had not (hedonic contrast). In Experiment 2, subjects drank pairs of diluted juices and rated their preference for one juice over the other. Subjects who had just previously drunk and rated pairs of full-strength juices gave lower preference ratings between the diluted juices than did subjects who had not (condensation). Thus the same stimulus set produced contrast in Experiment 1 and condensation in Experiment 2, paralleling results in loudness.     

Children's attributions of intentions to an invisible agent

Children ages 3-9 years were informed that an invisible agent (Princess Alice) would help them play a forced-choice game by "telling them, somehow, when they chose the wrong box," whereas a matched control group of children were not given this supernatural prime. On 2 unexpected event trials, an experimenter triggered a simulated unexpected event (i.e., a light turning on/off; a picture falling), and children's behavioral response to these events (i.e., moving their hand to the opposite box) was coded. Results showed a significant Age GroupxExperimental Condition interaction; the only children to reliably alter their behavior in response to the unexpected events were the oldest children (M=7 years 4 months), who were primed with the invisible agent concept. For children's posttest verbal explanations, also, only these children saw the unexpected events as being referential and declarative (e.g., "Princess Alice did it because I chose the wrong box"). Together, these data suggest that children may not regularly begin to see communicative signs as embedded in unexpected events until they are around 7 years of age.     

Effects of part-set cuing on experienced and novice chess players' reconstruction of a typical chess midgame position

A typical midgame chess position was presented to participants for 30 sec. Participants then reconstructed the presented position on a second board from memory. Following a brief distraction phase, participants were asked to reconstruct the position a second time with 0, 6, or 12 of the original pieces present. It was hypothesized that cue presentation during second reconstruction would be more disruptive to experienced players' recall than to novices'. Recall was measured in terms of correct pieces placed, new items generated (reminiscence), and previously recalled items omitted (forgetting). Analysis indicated that cues neither facilitated nor inhibited recall: experienced players performed better than novice players across recall indices, with the exception of reminiscence at which both groups performed similarly.     

Skill training,retention, and transfer: The effects of a concurrent secondary task

In two experiments, we examined training, retention, and transfer of a duration production skill in a prospective paradigm. Participants were trained with feedback and then were either tested immediately for transfer without feedback or retrained with feedback 1 week later. There were three training and retraining conditions, two involving secondary tasks. Retention of the duration production skill was perfect across the 1-week delay when the secondary task condition was unchanged, but there was no skill transfer when that condition was changed. These findings demonstrate specificity of training, with the assumption that the cognitive operations learned during duration production training incorporate requirements of the secondary task. More generally, this study challenges the current practice in which training conditions often do not match eventual testing conditions.     

Use of the Conners-wells adolescent self-report scale (short form) with children

The short form of the Conners-Wells Adolescent Self-Report Scale (CASS:Short) is administered to 319 children and 844 adolescents to investigate whether the instrument can be used with respondents under the age of 12. Mothers of all respondents are asked to rate each child using a measure designed to assess a parallel set of problem behaviors. The factor structure of the CASS:Short is tested in both samples and is found to have good fit to the data. Mean levels of ADHD symptomatology are also examined for possible sex and age effects, as was the relationship between parent and self-report ratings. The overall results provide empirical support for the use of the CASS:Short with children ages 7 to 11.     

What is the optimal position of low-frequency words across line boundaries? An eye movement investigation

When displaying text on a page or a screen, only a finite number of characters can be presented on a single line. If the text exceeds that finite value, then text wrapping occurs. Often this process results in longer, more difficult to process words being positioned at the start of a line. We conducted an eye movement study to examine how this artefact of text wrapping affects passage reading. This allowed us to answer the question: should word difficulty be used when determining line breaks? Thirty-nine participants read 20 passages where low-frequency target words were either line-initial or line-final. There was no statistically reliable effect of our manipulation on passage reading time or comprehension despite several effects at a local level. Regarding our primary research question, the evidence suggests that word difficulty may not need to be accounted for when determining line breaks and assigning words to new lines.