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Ilan Gur-Zeev 《Studies in Philosophy and Education》2011,30(5):477-483
Under the post-metaphysical sky “old” humanistic-oriented education is possible solely at the cost of its transformation into
its negative, into a power that is determined to diminish human potentials for self-exaltation. Nothing less than total metamorphosis
is needed to rescue the core of humanistic genesis: the quest for edifying Life and resistance to the call for “home-returning”
into the total harmony that is promised to us within nothingness. 相似文献
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In this article, we explore potential benefits of yoga, an ancient Indian tradition for spiritual growth and development, for counselors. Counselors use themselves as instruments to support clients and are constantly exposed to the traumatic experiences of clients, which may leave them susceptible to secondary traumatic stress or compassion fatigue (Shallcross, 2011). Yoga can help counselors not only in achieving holistic wellness but also in developing a way of being consistent with the characteristics of an effective counselor. Furthermore, yoga, as a spiritual practice, can empower counselors to embark on a spiritual journey driven by their own personal experiences. 相似文献
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Kiran Arabaghatta Basavaraj Pahi Saikia Anil Varughese Holli A. Semetko Anup Kumar 《Political psychology》2021,42(5):827-844
Drawing on social identity theory and research on digital media and polarization, this study uses a quasi-experimental design with a random sample (n = 3304) to provide causal evidence on perceptions of who is to blame for the initial spread of COVID-19 in India. According blame to three different social and political entities—Tablighi Jamaat (a Muslim group), the Modi government, and migrant workers (a heterogeneous group)—are the dependent variables in three OLS regression models testing the effect of the no-blame treatment, controlling for Facebook use, social identity (religion), vote in the 2019 national election, and other demographics. Results show respondents in the treatment group were more likely to allay blame, affective polarization (dislike for outgroup members) was social identity based, not partisan based, and Facebook/Instagram use was not significant. Congress and United Progressive Alliance voters in 2019 were less likely to blame the Modi government for the initial spread. Unlike extant research in western contexts, affective and political polarization appear to be distinct concepts in India where social identity complexity is important. This study of the first wave informs perceptions of blame in future waves, which are discussed in conclusion along with questions for future research. 相似文献