Genetic counseling for deaf adults: Communication/language and cultural considerations

It has been estimated that at least 50% of congenital or early onset deafness loss has a genetic etiology. Genetic services have traditionally been utilized by hearing parents of deaf children. Deaf adults could also greatly benefit from genetic counseling services. However, many deaf adults do not seek genetic services due in part to the communication/language and cultural differences of this group. Deaf people communicate in various ways including the use of sign language, oral communication, writing, or a combination of these modes. Also, while some deaf individuals are part of the hearing culture, others are part of the Deaf culture which has its own language, values, and traditions. Culturally Deaf individuals do not see themselves as handicapped or disabled. The genetic professional's awareness of the communication/language and cultural needs of this group, as well as their agency's responsibilities under section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, may increase the accessibility of genetic services and contribute to the provision of successful genetic counseling for deaf adults.Throughout this paper, the term deaf will be used to denote a person who audiologically has a hearing loss which may range from mild to profound and may be sensorineural, conductive, or mixed. However, the term Deaf is used to denote cultural deafness.     

Amplitude rise time and the perception of the voiceless affricate/fricative distinction

Variation of amplitude envelope at stimulus onset has been considered to be of primary importance for distinguishing voiceless affricates from fricatives (e.g., |t∫| and |∫|). In earlier perceptual experiments, however, variation in amplitude rise time was confounded with variation in frication duration. In two experiments, these variables were independently manipulated, and their individual and combined effects for perception of |t∫| and |∫| were examined. Variation in amplitude rise time alone was not sufficient to signal the voiceless affricate/fricative contrast in these experiments, but variation in frication duration alone was sufficient.     

TREATING WOMEN AS SEX-OBJECTS

In this paper we have two related aims. First, we aim to present an account of what it is to treat women as sex-objects.¹ Like other philosophical writers in the field, we hold that the central idea in an account of such treatment is the failure to treat women with proper respect in sexual behavior. This idea has been cashed out in terms of using,² and in terms of dehumanization or failure to accord equal rights to freedom and welfare.³ However, we believe that there is a central deficiency in most such philosophical accounts of treating women as sex-objects, namely, a failure to outline in any detail a theory of interpersonal norms so that one can grasp in more concrete terms what it is to avoid treating a woman as a sex-object. We aim to rectify this deficiency by presenting a model of interpersonal norms based on the work of the social psychologist Chris Argyris.⁴     

Prejudice Toward Contemporary Outgroups as a Generalized Attitude

The interrelatedness of attitudes toward homosexuals, Blacks, women, and old people was studied, as well as attitude differences on demographic variables. Three hundred and nine White undergraduates responded to the Homosexual Attitude Scale, The Attitudes Toward Women Scale, Multifactor Racial Attitude Inventory, and two attitudes toward old people scales. Nine of the ten possible intercorrelations were significant beyond the .01 levels. Prejudice toward quite distinct outgroups appears to be a generalized attitude. Attitude differences were found on the demographic variables of sex, political party, and religion. Women expressed more tolerant attitudes than men toward all four outgroups studied. Republicans were more prejudiced toward homosexuals and women than were Democrats or Independents. Participants who identified themselves as Christians were less supportive of equality between the sexes than were Catholics, Protestants, or those with no religion Christians were also more prejudiced toward homosexuals than were Catholics or those with no religion.     

Do children use similar processes to read and spell words?

The use of spelling-sound information in both reading and spelling was evaluated by having children read and spell nonwords and five types of words that differed in terms of their regularity for reading and spelling. The subjects were grade 3 children who had been psychometrically defined as good readers and good spellers (“good”), good readers and poor spellers (“mixed”), or poor readers and poor spellers (“poor”). Results indicated that all children attempted to use spelling-sound correspondences in both reading and spelling, although children in both the mixed and the poor groups had weaker knowledge of these correspondences and were less systematic in their use of them. Furthermore, even though the children in the mixed group had been matched with children in the good group on reading comprehension, the number and type of errors made by the mixed subjects on both the reading and spelling tasks were more similar to those of the poor subjects than to those of the good subjects.     

Fathers' expectations and aspirations for their children

Do contemporary fathers have the same kinds of goals, beliefs, aspirations, and expectations about their children that fathers had 30 years ago? To answer this question, we interviewed 102 White fathers of 133 daughters and 126 sons about the topics probed by Aberle and Naegele (1952). We also asked about how the fathers expressed approval and disapproval of their children's behaviors, about their techniques for encouraging their children to develop the traits the fathers considered desirable, and about the sources of sex education for children. In general, our contemporary fathers mimicked some of the expectations of the earlier group and differed in others. Like the earlier group, some expectations were gender stereotypic. These expectations presumably function to restrict or limit the socialization of their children. More striking were the differences in the two sets of responses. In contrast to the statements from Aberle and Naegele's fathers, our fathers expressed many similar expectations for their daughters and sons. The educational and occupational levels of the fathers and the family composition qualified only a few of the above results.     

Selective attention and priming: Inhibitory and facilitatory effects of ignored primes

The priming effects of ignored information have been studied in Stroop displays (Neill, 1977) and with spatially superimposed drawings (Tipper, in this issue); naming of probes related to ignored primes is delayed in these experiments (“negative priming”). This negative priming effect is confirmed in a list reading task in Experiment 1, which used partially superimposed letters, and Experiment 2, which used spatially separated letters. Furthermore, Lowe (1979) using Stroop colour words observed that changing the nature of the probe such that it did not require selection from a competing word reversed the priming effects of the ignored word from inhibition to facilitation. Experiment 3 confirmed this observation when subjects selected a red letter from a green letter. Two models are suggested to account for this result. In the first, negative priming is a product of the ignored prime and subsequent probe being encoded both as a stimulus to be ignored and one to be named (Allport, Tipper and Chmiel, in press; Lowe, in press). This dual encoding is ambiguous, requiring further processing before response can be output. The other model suggests that negative priming reflects inhibition of response to ignored information, slowing naming latencies to probe stimuli that require the same response. Experiment 4 attempts to differentiate between the models, and the latter inhibition view is preferred.     

Self-concept and anxiety of adolescent and adult fathers

This study examines the relationship between the age of unmarried fathers and their self-concept and anxiety level. A total of 24 unmarried fathers (12 adolescents and 12 adults) comprised the sample. No significant differences were found between adolescent and adult fathers on self-concept or anxiety level. Findings are discussed with regard to the current status of research on adolescent fathers.