Bidirectional Familial Influences in Dietary Behavior Test of a Model of Campaign Influences

Using both cross-sectional and longitudinal data spanning a decade, this article analyzes how dietary behavior of household children and adults (N = 576 households) was affected by the Stanford Five-City Project (FCP). Tests of a three-part, cumulative model of bidirectional influences within the family, which conceptualizes household members as sources of influence on each other and subject to influence by an external agent, were supported. Children and adults were influenced by both each other and the FCP campaign in changing and maintaining health behaviors. This article demonstrates that public health campaigns can be made more effective if they conceptualize both children and adults as potential sources of influence. The long-term effectiveness of such efforts can be enhanced by encouraging families, as opposed to individuals, to change health behaviors.     

THE USE OF POWER AND INFLUENCE IN A GENDERED WORLD

A review is presented of empirical research on the effects of gender and power on the use of influence strategies in interpersonal relationships. Several variables are considered, including gender, power, status, relationship of agent to target, and the goal of the influence attempt. Although gender appears to account for some of the findings, power and status are more critical variables in choice of power strategies. Because gender is inextricably linked to power and status, the relationship of gender to influence strategy usage can only be understood in terms of its relationship to power and status.     

Rawlsian Civic Education: Political not Minimal

abstract In Political Liberalism and later work John Rawls has recast his theory of justice as fairness in political terms. In order to illustrate the advantages of a liberal political approach to justice over liberal non‐political ones, Rawls discusses what kind of education might be required for future citizens of pluralistic and democratic societies. He advocates a rather minimal conception of civic education that he claims to derive from political liberalism. One group of authors has sided with Rawls’ political perspective and educational proposal, holding that a political approach and educational requirements that are not too demanding would have the advantage of being acceptable to a wide range of citizens with different religious, moral and philosophical perspectives. A second group of authors have criticized Rawls’ educational recommendations, holding that the production of a just society composed of reasonable citizens requires a more demanding civic education and, hence, that the political approach is not viable. The present paper argues that both groups are only partially right, and that there is a third way to understand civic education in Rawlsian terms, a way that is political but not minimal.