Biography becomes autobiography: distorting the subjective past

This work addresses whether creating a biographical sketch for a fictional adolescent can increase confidence that one personally experienced these details in adolescence (memory distortion) and whether susceptibility to such distortion (depends on whether adolescence is considered part of one's subjective past or subjective present. We divided the subjective past and present using the point at which a person experienced the last life event that changed his or her personality significantly. We operationalized the subjective past as events associated with the period before the last life-changing event and the subjective present as events associated with the period after that event. Participants' confidence in their own autobiographical memory increased after they wrote a brief story about a fictional character. This increase occurred only for those who considered adolescence to be part of their subjective past. These results indicate that subjective time (in addition to objective time) may be a valuable factor in determining who is susceptible to memory distortion. We discuss these findings in terms of familiarity attribution and source monitoring.     

Linear theory, dimensional theory, and the face-inversion effect

We contrast 2 theories within whose context problems are conceptualized and data interpreted. By traditional linear theory, a dependent variable is the sum of main-effect and interaction terms. By dimensional theory, independent variables yield values on internal dimensions that in turn determine performance. We frame our arguments within an investigation of the face-inversion effect--the greater processing disadvantage of inverting faces compared with non-faces. We report data from 3 simulations and 3 experiments wherein faces or non-faces are studied upright or inverted in a recognition procedure. The simulations demonstrate that (a) critical conclusions depend on which theory is used to interpret data and (b) dimensional theory is the more flexible and consistent in identifying underlying psychological structures, because dimensional theory subsumes linear theory as a special case. The experiments demonstrate that by dimensional theory, there is no face-inversion effect for unfamiliar faces but a clear face-inversion effect for celebrity faces.     

Memory for memory

Participants read short passages and 1 day later they answered questions via telephone about the passages (text facts) and about the experimental session (event facts). They were telephoned again 6 weeks later and answered the same questions about text and event facts. They also answered new questions about whether they remembered the answers they had given in the initial telephone interview (recall for prior memory performance). Although participants accurately remembered the majority of past memory successes, they were poor at remembering past memory failures. After being provided with the correct answer and tested again, the participants' performance improved somewhat, especially for memory failures. This suggests that some errors in recalling past forgetting might have been due to correctly remembering the answer previously given, but failing to realize that it had been wrong. These findings have implications for a variety of situations in which people are queried about past memory performance.     

Examining memory for heterosexual college students' sexual experiences using an electronic mail diary.

To examine memory for sexual expenences, the authors asked 37 sexually active, nonmonogamous, heterosexual college students to complete an e-mail diary every day for 1 month. The diary contained questions about their sexual behaviors. Six to 12 months later, they returned for a surprise memory test, which contained questions about their sexual experiences from the diary phase. They were asked about their sexual partners, the types of sexual experiences they had, and condom use. Participants underreported the number of partners they had, but they overreported both sexual experiences and condom use. The results have implications for both sexual health educators and for people who engage in high-risk sexual behaviors.     

Treat and trick: A new way to increase false memory

This paper reports a new experimental manipulation that increased false memories 1 month after the manipulation. Mirroring the standard three‐stage misinformation paradigm (original event, misinformation, and test), subjects in the experimental group were first given a colour‐slide presentation of two stories (events), then given an accurate account (instead of misinformation) of the events in narrations, and finally tested for their memory of the original events. One month later, they underwent the standard misinformation paradigm with two new events. The comparison group was given the standard misinformation tasks at both time points. Results showed that the experimental group produced more false memories in the subsequent misinformation paradigm than did the comparison group. We focus on trust and credibility as possible mechanisms underlying this effect. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

What can a perception-memory expert tell a jury?

Witnesses to crimes and other forensically relevant events sometimes describe memories in which they express confidence that, on the basis of research in perception and memory, may be inappropriately high, given the circumstances of the case. The most effective way of conveying this observation and the reasons for it to a jury is via an expert in perception and memory. In any given case, a mosaic of factors having to do with perception and memory are relevant. I briefly sketch the most common of these factors and categorize them as to the degree to which they may be unambiguously and/or quantitatively applied to a specific case. I discuss one such factor, witness-object distance, in some detail, showing how an expert might describe distance effects on perception and providing examples from actual cases.     

A hit-and-miss investigation of asymmetries in wheelchair navigation

In contrast to the leftward inattention caused by right parietal damage, normal brain function shows a subtle neglect of the right and left sides in peripersonal and extrapersonal space, respectively. This study explored how these attentional biases cause healthy individuals to collide with objects on the right. In Experiment 1, participants navigated manual and electric wheelchairs through a narrow doorway. More rightward collisions were observed for the electric, but not the manual, wheelchair. Experiment 2 demonstrated that the rightward deviation for electric wheelchairs increased for wider doorways. Experiment 3 established that the rightward deviation is not the result of task-related vestibular input, using a remote control device to operate the wheelchair. The rightward deviation persisted in Experiment 4 when the doorway was removed, suggesting that the bias is the result of a mis-bisection of space. In Experiment 5, the rightward bias was replicated using an electric scooter, which is steered using handlebars. Finally, Experiment 6 required participants to point to the middle of the doorway, using a laser, before moving the scooter. Rightward mis-bisection was observed in both conditions. Rightward mis-bisection of lines in extrapersonal space provides the most parsimonious explanation of the rightward collisions and deviations.     

How well do people recall risk factor test results? Accuracy and bias among cholesterol screening participants.

The authors conducted a community-based cholesterol screening study to examine accuracy of recall for self-relevant health information in long-term autobiographical memory. Adult community residents (N = 496) were recruited to participate in a laboratory-based cholesterol screening and were also provided cholesterol counseling in accordance with national guidelines. Participants were subsequently interviewed 1, 3, or 6 months later to assess their memory for their test results. Participants recalled their exact cholesterol levels inaccurately (38.0% correct) but their cardiovascular risk category comparatively well (88.7% correct). Recall errors showed a systematic bias: Individuals who received the most undesirable test results were most likely to remember their cholesterol scores and cardiovascular risk categories as lower (i.e., healthier) than those actually received. Recall bias was unrelated to age, education, knowledge, self-rated health status, and self-reported efforts to reduce cholesterol. The findings provide evidence that recall of self-relevant health information is susceptible to self-enhancement bias.     

Intelligence gathering post-9/11

The gathering of information for intelligence purposes often comes from interviewing a variety of individuals. Some, like suspects and captured prisoners, are individuals for whom the stakes are especially high and who might not be particularly cooperative. But information is also gathered from myriad individuals who have relevant facts to provide, and occasionally the smallest details can be important. In gathering this information from both groups of informants, investigators need to worry about memory distortion, especially the extent to which memories can be contaminated by poor questioning or other sources of postevent information. Moreover, they need to worry about the potential for poor methods and other forms of influence to create false confessions, thereby leading investigators astray. A third area in which psychological science can contribute is in the detection of deception. Recent science in these domains can improve the quality of information that investigators gather and the inferences that they draw.