Reconstructive group therapy with HIV-affected people

This paper describes reconstructive group therapy with people affected by AIDS. It begins with the therapeutic need as we defined it in the AIDS-affected community and the practicalities of the group therapies we offered. The reconstructive perspective, based on personal construct theory, is then explored and applied to interpret both the psychosocial functioning of AIDS-affected people and group therapy. The group therapy process is described: client engagement and group beginnings, goals, group rules, leadership roles, group experiments, group issues and endings. Some problems that arose are then identified; and a sample of group process is provided. Finally, the appropriateness of the reconstructive perspective and of group therapy for these clients is discussed, together with the identification of the major ethical issues and some recommendations for its use.     

How the Anthropocene Changes Religious Ethics

Humans are remaking the planet, with the planetary human imprint so profound that all planetary systems are being changed: the atmosphere, the hydrosphere and cryosphere (water and ice), the lithosphere (Earth's crust), and the biosphere (the community of life). The changes are so deep and far reaching that a new geological epoch, the first effected by humans, has set in, the Anthropocene. It succeeds the only geological epoch human civilizations have known, the late Holocene. The tattoo of the Holocene, climate stability, is replaced by climate volatility, mass eco-social uncertainty, and extinction. Because the Anthropocene is itself the outcome of cumulative human choices, everything in response also turns on ethics. In this case, that entails rethinking and reforming human responsibility. This essay pursues that, after making the case for climate and the Anthropocene as a new prism for Religious Ethics, one that changes the work of Religious Ethics itself.     

Effect sizes in ANCOVA and difference-in-differences designs

It is common practice in both randomized and quasi-experiments to adjust for baseline characteristics when estimating the average effect of an intervention. The inclusion of a pre-test, for example, can reduce both the standard error of this estimate and—in non-randomized designs—its bias. At the same time, it is also standard to report the effect of an intervention in standardized effect size units, thereby making it comparable to other interventions and studies. Curiously, the estimation of this effect size, including covariate adjustment, has received little attention. In this article, we provide a framework for defining effect sizes in designs with a pre-test (e.g., difference-in-differences and analysis of covariance) and propose estimators of those effect sizes. The estimators and approximations to their sampling distributions are evaluated using a simulation study and then demonstrated using an example from published data.     

Standard delay eyeblink classical conditioning is independent of awareness

P. F. Lovibond and D. R. Shanks (2002) suggested that all forms of classical conditioning depend on awareness of the stimulus contingencies. This article considers the available data for eyeblink classical conditioning, including data from 2 studies (R. E. Clark, J. R. Manns, & L. R. Squire, 2001; J. R. Manns, R. E. Clark, & L. R. Squire, 2001) that were completed too recently to have been considered in their review. In addition, in response to questions raised by P. F. Lovibond and D. R. Shanks, 2 new analyses of data are presented from studies published previously. The available data from humans and experimental animals provide strong evidence that delay eyeblink classical conditioning (but not trace eyeblink classical conditioning) can be acquired and retained independently of the forebrain and independently of awareness. This conclusion applies to standard conditioning paradigms; for example, to single-cue delay conditioning when a tone is used as the conditioned stimulus (CS) and to differential delay conditioning when the positive and negative conditioned stimuli (CS+ and CS-) are a tone and white noise.     

Thinking about the Needy, Justice, and International Organizations

This article has three main parts, Section 2 considers the nature and extent to which individuals who are well-off have a moral obligation to aid the worlds needy. Drawing on a pluralistic approach to morality, which includes consequentialist, virtue-based, and deontological elements, it is contended that most who are well-off should do much more than they do to aid the needy, and that they are open to serious moral criticism if they simply ignore the needy. Part one also focuses on the United States, and illustrates both how incredibly wealthy the U.S. is and some of the spending habits of its citizens; however, its considerations apply to the well-off generally. Section 3 considers whether justice provides reasons for helping the needy. Noting that justice in an extremely complex notion, it discusses numerous considerations relevant to justices scope and implications, including an extended Rawlsian conception of justice, an absolute conception, a comparative conception, the distinction between natural and social justice, and various elements of common-sense morality. Section 2 also distinguishes between agent-relative justice-based reasons, which are relevant to whether we act justly, and agent-neutral justice-based reasons, which are relevant to whether we have reasons of justicefor acting. Correspondingly, it argues that even if one can ignore the needy without acting unjustly, as philosophers like Robert Nozick and Jan Narveson contend, there may be powerful reasons of justicefor addressing their plight. Section 4 briefly address the responsibilities of international organizations like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and World Trade Organization (WTO). Drawing on Section 2, it is suggested that in addition to standard reasons to act justlytowards needy members of the worlds community, there will be reasons of justicefor such organizations to aid the needy in both present, and future, generations. The article concludes by contending that the well-off in countries like the U.S. have reason to view international organizations like the World Bank, IMF, and WTO as their agents, and to seek to insure that they alleviate misfortunes amongst the worlds needy.