首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   220篇
  免费   15篇
  国内免费   1篇
  236篇
  2023年   3篇
  2022年   4篇
  2021年   5篇
  2020年   7篇
  2019年   7篇
  2018年   5篇
  2017年   3篇
  2016年   11篇
  2015年   7篇
  2014年   7篇
  2013年   22篇
  2012年   6篇
  2011年   12篇
  2010年   2篇
  2009年   4篇
  2008年   7篇
  2007年   3篇
  2006年   6篇
  2005年   4篇
  2004年   4篇
  2003年   7篇
  2002年   3篇
  2001年   5篇
  2000年   5篇
  1999年   6篇
  1998年   5篇
  1995年   2篇
  1993年   4篇
  1992年   3篇
  1990年   6篇
  1988年   6篇
  1985年   2篇
  1984年   2篇
  1983年   4篇
  1982年   2篇
  1979年   3篇
  1978年   3篇
  1977年   2篇
  1976年   3篇
  1975年   3篇
  1974年   4篇
  1973年   4篇
  1972年   3篇
  1971年   3篇
  1969年   1篇
  1967年   1篇
  1965年   3篇
  1959年   2篇
  1950年   1篇
  1949年   1篇
排序方式: 共有236条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
Young children are slower in naming the color of a meaningful picture than in naming the color of an abstract form (Stroop-like color-object interference). The current experiments tested an executive control account of this phenomenon. First, color-object interference was observed in 6- and 8-year-olds but not in 12- and 16-year-olds (Experiment 1). Second, meaningful pictures did not interfere in 5- to 7-year-olds’ manual sorting of objects on the basis of color (Experiment 2) or in their naming the number of colored objects in the display, that is, subitizing (Experiment 3). These findings provide support for the view that color-object interference results from the children’s immature inhibition of the prepotent but irrelevant task of object naming.  相似文献   
22.
23.
Cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT), consisting of exposure and response prevention (EX/RP), is both efficacious and preferred by patients with obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD), yet few receive this treatment in practice. This study describes the implementation of an Internet-based CBT program (ICBT) developed in Sweden in individuals seeking OCD treatment in New York. After translating and adapting the Swedish ICBT for OCD, we conducted an open trial with 40 adults with OCD. Using the RE-AIM implementation science framework, we assessed the acceptability, feasibility, and effectiveness of ICBT. The Yale–Brown Obsessive Compulsive Scale (Y-BOCS) was the primary outcome measure. Of 40 enrolled, 28 participants completed the 10-week ICBT. In the intent-to-treat sample (N = 40), Y-BOCS scores decreased significantly over time (F = 28.12, df = 2, 49, p < . 001). Depressive severity (F = 5.87, df = 2, 48, p < . 001), and quality of life (F = 12.34, df = 2, 48, p < . 001) also improved. Sensitivity analyses among treatment completers (N = 28) confirmed the intent-to-treat results, with a large effect size for Y-BOCS change (Cohen’s d = 1.38). ICBT took less time to implement than face-to face EX/RP and participants were very to mostly satisfied with ICBT. On a par with results in Sweden, the adapted ICBT program reduced OCD and depressive symptoms and improved quality of life among individuals with moderate to severe OCD. Given its acceptability and feasibility, ICBT deserves further study as a way to increase access to CBT for OCD in the United States.  相似文献   
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
Social Capital, Social Networks, and Political Participation   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
Social Capital is created through the patterns of interdependence andsocial interaction that occur within a population, and we attempt to understand the participatory consequences of these patterns relative to the effects of human capital and organizational involvement. The production of social capital in personal networks was examined with the use of social network and participation data from the 1992 American study of the Cross National Election Project. The results suggest that politically relevant social capital (that is, social capital that facilitates political engagement) is generated in personal networks, that it is a by-product of the social interactions with a citizen's discussants, and that increasing levels of politically relevant social capital enhance the likelihood that a citizen will be engaged in politics. Further, the production of politically relevant social capital is a function of the political expertise within an individual's network of relations, the frequency of political interaction within the network, and the size or extensiveness of the network. These results are sustained even while taking account of a person's individual characteristics and organizational involvement. Hence, the consequences of social relations within networks are not readily explained away on the basis of either human capital effects or the effects of organizational engagement.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号