Fatigue estimation using voice analysis

In the present article, we present a means to remotely and transparently estimate an individual's level of fatigue by quantifying changes in his or her voice characteristics. Using Voice analysis to estimate fatigue is unique from established cognitive measures in a number of ways: (1) speaking is a natural activity requiring no initial training or learning curve, (2) voice recording is a unobtrusive operation allowing the speakers to go about their normal work activities, (3) using telecommunication infrastructure (radio, telephone, etc.) a diffuse set of remote populations can be monitored at a central location, and (4) often, previously recorded voice data are available for post hoc analysis. By quantifying changes in the mathematical coefficients that describe the human speech production process, we were able to demonstrate that for speech sounds requiring a large average air flow, a speaker's voice changes in synchrony with both direct measures of fatigue and with changes predicted by the length of time awake.     

Visual recognition as a function of stimulus offset asynchrony and duration

The stimuli consisted of two complementary dot patterns that formed a bigram when they were flashed simultaneously; impairment of letter recognition developed when one of the patterns was briefly extended beyond the termination of the other (stimulus offset asynchrony). However, if the ratio of stimulus offset asynchrony to bigram duration remained constant, the probability of a correct recognition response also remained constant as duration varied over a 50- to 100-msec interval. When percent stimulus asynchrony increased, the impairment increased. An interaction between bigram letter position and each of bigram duration and percent stimulus asynchrony was observed with recognition accuracy greater in general for the letter in the left half of the field.     

When does feedback facilitate learning of words?

Some researchers have suggested that although feedback may enhance performance during associative learning, it does so at the expense of later retention. To examine this issue, subjects (N = 258) learned Luganda-English word pairs. After 2 initial exposures to the materials, subjects were tested on each item several times, with the presence and type of feedback varying between subjects. A final test followed after 1 week. Supplying the correct answer after an incorrect response not only improved performance during the initial learning session--it also increased final retention by 494%. On the other hand, feedback after correct responses made little difference either immediately or at a delay, regardless of whether the subject was confident in the response. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed.     

Effects of counselor intake judgments on service to black students using a university counseling center

The effect of counselor and client ethnicity and gender was examined using a four factor MANOVA. Although the statistical findings were non-significant, it is suggested that systematic biases based on client attributes may affect counselor's perceptions of clients thereby influencing diagnostic judgments and treatment choice.     

Rationality, Justification, and the Internalism/Externalism Debate

In this paper, I argue that what underlies internalism about justification is a rationalist conception of justification, not a deontological conception of justification, and I argue for the plausibility of this rationalist conception of justification. The rationalist conception of justification is the view that a justified belief is a belief that is held in a rational way; since we exercise our rationality through conscious deliberation, the rationalist conception holds that a belief is justified iff a relevant possible instance of conscious deliberation would endorse the belief. The importance of conscious deliberation stems from its role in guiding us in acquiring true beliefs: whereas the externalist holds that if we wish to acquire true beliefs, we have to begin by assuming that some of our usual methods of belief formation generally provide us with true beliefs, the internalist holds that if we form beliefs by conscious deliberation, we can be conscious of reasons for thinking that our beliefs are true. Conscious deliberation can make us conscious of reasons because it proceeds via rational intuitions. I argue that despite the fallibility of rational intuition, rational intuitions do enable us to become conscious of reasons for belief.

Positive procedures and generalized self-choking

In two studies, self-choking by a middle-aged man with mental retardation was controlled both directly and indirectly by positive procedures. In the first study, paced eating procedures were employed to control postmealtime rumination. The frequency of generalized self-choking increased from periods where meals were paced to periods in which meals were not paced and vice versa. In the second study, redirection of self-choking and reinforcement for responses other than self-choking (DRO) reduced the frequency of self-choking, with the procedures applied successively to a number of different environments, trainers, distances from the client, and DRO parameters. These procedures related to a substantial reduction in generalized self-choking measured in other environments at other times.     

Gender Differences in Interest and Knowledge Acquisition: The United States,Taiwan, and Japan

The relationship between interest and knowledge was investigated in a representative sample of 11th grade students from cultures that differ in the strength of their gender-role stereotypes and their endorsement of effort-based versus interest-based learning. Among 11th graders from the United States (N = 1052), Taiwan (N = 1475), and Japan (N = 1119), boys preferred science, math, and sports, whereas girls preferred language arts, music, and art. General information scores were comparable across the three locations; however, boys consistently outscored girls. Gender and interest in science independently predicted general information scores, whereas gender and interest in math independently predicted mathematics scores. Cultural variations in the strength of the relationship between gender, interest, and scores indicate that specific socialization practices can minimize or exaggerate these gender differences.