排序方式: 共有24条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
Many parents report that their values are influenced by their children. However, few studies provide direct evidence regarding child–parent value transmission. We review this evidence and propose five main processes of child influence: (i) Passive child influences, causing change in parental values by the mere presence or development of children; (ii) Active child influences, due to children directly attempting to influence their parents’ opinions or providing parents with relevant information; (iii) Differentiation, the emergence of a distinction between parents’ own personal values and their socialization values; (iv) Reciprocal influences; in which parents’ and children’ influences are intertwined; and (v) Counter‐influences, in which parental values change in a direction opposite to that of children's values. A study on child influence illustrates some of these processes. The roles of migration, aging, and parent and child characteristics in child‐to‐parent influences are discussed. 相似文献
22.
Prosocial behavior is important for the functioning of society. This study investigates the extent to which environment shared by family members, nonshared environment, and genetics account for children's prosocial behavior. The prosocial behavior of twins (9,424 pairs) was rated by their parents at the ages of 2, 3, 4, and 7 and by their teachers at age 7. For parent ratings, shared environmental effects decreased from .47 on average at age 2 to .03 at age 7, and genetic effects increased from .32 on average to .61. The finding of weak shared environmental effects and large heritability at age 7 was largely confirmed through the use of teacher ratings. Using longitudinal genetic analyses, the authors conclude that genetic effects account for both change and continuity in prosocial behavior and nonshared environment contributes mainly to change. 相似文献
23.
In this genetic study of atypical gender role development, parents of 5,799 twin pairs, ages 3 and 4, rated their twin children's masculinity and femininity. Boys were selected as gender atypical if they were highly feminine (top 5%, 10%, or 15%) relative to other boys, and girls were selected if they were highly masculine relative to other girls. Gender-atypical boys and girls were each divided into 2 groups: fully gender atypical (e.g., feminine boys also low on masculinity) and partially gender atypical (e.g., feminine boys who are not low on masculinity). DeFries-Fulker (DF; J. C. DeFries & D. W. Fulker, 1985, 1988) extremes analysis yielded moderate group heritability and substantial shared environment effects for atypical gender role behavior. However, for fully gender-atypical girls, group heritability accounted for most of the variance, and shared environment had no effect. The results are discussed in light of past studies and potential implications for atypical gender development. 相似文献
24.
Danielle Knafo Ph.D. 《Psychoanalytic Dialogues》2013,23(1):83-92
This discussion responds to questions and comments made by Stefanie Solow-Glennon and Jean Wolff Bernstein. Here I further clarify different types of solitude and their connection to creativity and pathology. Many solitary individuals, creative and otherwise, are involved in a project that for them may be their most significant relationship. I speak about how culture shapes attitudes of aloneness and relationship, and I give examples from art (Frida Kahlo) and therapy (Morita Therapy) to illustrate the various functions of solitude. Finally I address ways that solitude works in therapy and how the necessary power differential places the analyst in a special place of aloneness. 相似文献