Counseling in the classroom: interview with albert ellis

Every teacher had better be trained in counseling. Then they could teach the kids that all humans tend to have emotional problems. That's their nature. They create many kinds of nutty ideas: That theymust do well; and theymust be loved; and thehave to get what they want.In this interview Albert Ellis speaks out on counseling in the classroomrape, incest, masturbation, marital relationships, as well as common discipline problems. Teachers spend far too much time and energy with the very difficult students, and some of the average and gifted get short shrift. By counseling one student in front of the others, often those least upset and involved receive the most benefit. Far from wasting class time, teaching all students Rational-Emotive Therapy (RET) reduces the number of disturbed students, and offers teachers more time to spend in helping develop special education for the gifted. It also enables counselors and psychologists to spend more time servicing teachers. And teachers who practice RET counseling learn an effective technique for coping with even inner city stress and burnout.Joel Dames conducted this interview with Albert Ellis at the Institute for Rational-Emotive Therapy in New York. He is employed by the U.S. Department of Defense Dependent Schools of Camp Zama, a U.S. Army post in Japan where he teaches literature and writing to high school students.     

Factors affecting entrapment in escalating conflicts: The importance of timing

Entrapping conflicts are those in which individuals continue to invest their resources—even in seemingly losing propositions-in large part to justify previous unfilled expenditures. It has been demonstrated that individuals define their motivation for investing very differently at the various stages of an entrapping conflict. One implication of this motivational dynamic is that various factors may differentially affect degree of entrapment (i.e., amount invested), depending upon the point in time at which they are introduced. The present studies were designed to test this notion. All subjects were given an initial monetary stake and had the opportunity to win more by taking part in an entrapping investment situation. In Experiment 1, half the subjects were provided with a payoff chart that made salient the costs associated with investing (Highcost salience condition) whereas half were not (Low-cost salience condition). Moreover, for half of the subjects the payoff chart was introduced before they were asked to invest (Early condition) whereas for the other half it was introduced after they had invested a considerable portion of their resources (Late condition). Entrapment was lower in the High salience-Early than in the Low salience-Early condition. However, there was no difference between groups in the Late condition. In Experiment 2, the perceived presence of an audience interacted with personality variables related to face-saving to effect entrapment. When the audience was described as “experts in decision making,” subjects high in public self-consciousness (or social anxiety) became less entrapped than those low on these dimensions. When the audience consisted of individuals who “wished simply to observe the experimental procedure,” however, high public self-consciousness (or social anxiety) individuals were significantly more entrapped than lows. Moreover, these interaction effects occurred when the audience was introduced late, but not early, into the entrapment situation. Taken together, these (and other) findings suggest that economic factors are more influential determinants of behavior in the earlier stages of an entrapping conflict, whereas face-saving variables are more potent in the later phases. Alternative explanations are discussed.     

The effect of knowledge of reversibility on the reversibility of ambiguous figures

The role of knowledge of the reversibility of reversible figures was tested in four experiments. Two ambiguous figures, the vase-face figure and a depth-reversing pyramid-hallway figure were shown to high school students. In the Uninformed condition, subjects were not told that the figures were reversible. A sampling procedure was used in which subjects reported what they perceived at 5-sec intervals. Viewing durations of up to 3 min were used, and approximately half of all subjects did not reverse at all during the uninformed condition, whereas virtually all subjects reversed quickly and frequently once they knew that the figures were reversible. These results are not consistent with neural fatigue models of perceptual reversal.     

THE EFFECTIVENESS OF REINFORCEMENT,RESPONSE COST,AND MIXED PROGRAMS ON CLASSROOM BEHAVIORS1

Six elementary school children served as subjects in an experiment comparing the relative effectiveness of (1) token reinforcement, in which children received tokens for attending and for correct arithmetic performance; (2) response cost, in which children received “free” tokens at the start of a period but lost them for inattention and for arithmetic performance below a specified level; and (3) a combination of both token reinforcement and response cost. During training, the six subjects received all three procedures in counterbalanced sequence. The effects of the three procedures were assessed by a within-subject comparison divided into three phases: (i) baseline, (ii) training, (iii) withdrawal of tokens. Introduction of the three token procedures markedly increased the two dependent measures. However, there were no differences across the procedures in the amount of change produced in either attending behavior or arithmetic performance. During baseline, the subjects averaged 29% attending behavior and 6.4 correct problems. These levels increased to 85% for attending behavior and 11.4 correct problems for arithmetic performance during training. Removal of all token procedures significantly decreased attending behavior (to an average of 65%), but produced a nonsignificant reduction in arithmetic performance (to an average of 7.6 correct problems). There was evidence that this lack of differential effects of the three token procedures was not due to an inability to discriminate among them. Furthermore, the subjects were evenly divided in their preference for the three procedures.     

The toll of ethnic discrimination on sleep architecture and fatigue.

Most work on ethnicity tends to focus on daytime health rather than how aspects of ethnicity affect nighttime functioning. The current study examined how discrimination and ethnic identity relate to sleep architecture and fatigue in 37 African Americans and 56 Caucasian Americans. The authors conducted sleep monitoring with standard polysomnography. African Americans had less slow-wave sleep and reported more physical fatigue than did Caucasian Americans (ps < .05). The authors conducted path analyses to examine relationships between ethnic identity, perceived discrimination, sleep, and fatigue. Perceived discrimination mediated ethnic differences in Stage 4 sleep and physical fatigue. Individuals who reported experiencing more discrimination had less Stage 4 sleep and reported experiencing greater physical fatigue (ps < .05). Although ethnic identity did not mediate ethnic differences in sleep latency, there was a significant relationship between ethnic identity and sleep latency, indicating that individuals who felt more connected to their ethnic group had more difficulty falling asleep while in the hospital (p < .05). These observations suggest that the effects of stress related to one's ethnic group membership carry over into sleep.