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171.
172.
Jim Lantz 《Journal of religion and health》1998,37(2):93-104
Although Viktor Frankl's Logotherapy concepts have been described as a basis for support groups and for small sharing groups, they have seldom been reported in the literature as a basis for the practice of interpersonal group psychotherapy. In this article the author overviews and outlines the treatment elements and dynamics of a Logotherapy approach to interpersonal group therapy. Clinical material is provided to give a flavor of the described treatment approach. 相似文献
173.
Jim Sidanius 《European journal of social psychology》1978,8(2):215-235
This study tested the relative plausibility of three, main theories and/or hypotheses concerning the relationship between intolerance of ambiguity and socio-politico ideology: (a) authoritarian personality theory, (b) the extremism hypothesis and (c) the context hypothesis. The sample consisted of 195 Swedish high school students randomly selected from five different high schools from greater Stockholm in the spring of 1974. Separate factor analyses of the Budner Intolerance of Ambiguity Scale and the S4 Conservatism Scale generated seven factors of ambiguity intolerance and five factors of socio-politico ideology, Scattergram, correlation and trend analyses disclosed a number of statistically significant relationships between the various dimensions of ambiguity intolerance and socio-politico ideology. The main trend of the results tended to confirm authoritarian personality theory concerning the relationship between intolerance of ambiguity and racism or ethnic prejudice. Furthermore, some support was found for the context hypothesis, with regards to the relationship between general intolerance of ambiguity and general conservatism, among other things. No support could be found for the extremism hypothesis. 相似文献
174.
Studied the socio-political attitudes and political party preferences of 532 Swedish high school students as a function of seven background variables: (I) the mother's political party preference, (2) the father's political party preference, (3) the mother's education, (4) the father's education, (5) the mother's income, (6) the father's income and (7) social class identification. Multiple classification analysis and multivariate nominal analysis were used to uncover the most important possible determinants of political socialization of the youth in both bivariate and multivariate aspects. The results showed that, of the seven predictor or background variables studied, only three had any substantial relationship with socio-political attitudes and political party preferences of the youth: (a) the mother's political party preference, (b) class identification and (c) the father's political party preference in that general order of importance. Furthermore, the superiority of the mother's political party preference over the father's political party preference was especially marked for girls. Among other things, the results also disclosed that ‘left-wing’ youth tended to be more loyal to parental political beliefs than ‘moderate’ and ‘right-wing’ youth. Several alternative explanations were proposed for these findings. 相似文献
175.
Jim Rast James M. Johnston Cheryl Drum James Conrin 《Journal of applied behavior analysis》1981,14(2):121-130
Preliminary work suggested that the quantity of food ingested by retarded individuals who usually ruminated following meals was related to the frequency and duration of ruminating responses. This possible relation was experimentally examined by systematically varying food quantity from regular portions to satiation levels for three retarded individuals who exhibited high levels of ruminating. A clear functional relation of food quantity to ruminating emerged, with satiation procedures producing rapid and large decreases in the relatively high frequencies and durations of ruminating characteristic of baseline food quantity conditions. 相似文献
176.
Jim Lantz Ph.D. 《Journal of religion and health》1991,30(2):131-138
In this article, the Franklian treatment method of existential reflection is described as it can be used in marital therapy with Vietnam veterans. The author also provides information about treatment results with twenty-three Vietnam veteran couples from 1974 to 1987. 相似文献
177.
The assessment of suicidal behavior in adolescents. 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
C Z Garrison P M Lewinsohn F Marsteller J Langhinrichsen I Lann 《Suicide & life-threatening behavior》1991,21(3):217-230
All available assessment instruments (N = 29) used to study suicidal behaviors in adolescents and young adults (age 12-20) were collected and reviewed. Instruments were found to vary substantially in purpose, format, informat, and theoretical orientation. The items from these tools (N = 461) were categorized according to behavior type (thoughts, feelings, or actions) and content categories (death/life-related, disease-promoting/preventing, injury-producing/reducing, person-reducing/enhancing, and factual information). The majority of the items were found to assess thoughts and were focused on death-related content. Recommendations include the need for more rigorous validation of instruments, clearer operational definitions, additional normative information, and expansion of the pool of available items to encompass a broader array of self-destructive behaviors. 相似文献
178.
Jim Slagle 《Philosophical Investigations》2023,46(1):112-119
Serdal Tümkaya has argued that my critique of eliminative materialism makes several missteps. He argues that eliminativism should be taken as a methodology not a settled conclusion, and the final product may well retain some folk psychology concepts. I respond that methodological eliminativism does avoid self-defeat but does not pose a problem for the folk psychologist. Plus, insofar as eliminativism is not eliminating the propositional attitudes but accomodating or translating them, it is not distinct from other, less extreme forms of materialism. 相似文献
179.
Vox is a far-right, Spanish political party that has steadily grown to become the third main party in the national congress. Immigration is a major presence in Vox's political agenda. Through Critical Discourse Analysis, we analyze the party's public speeches and Twitter communications on immigration in the last 3 years, from the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 to the Ukraine-Russia war in 2022. These contexts have provided a fertile ground for Vox's concerns with the protection of national borders, the criminalization of African and irregular immigrants, and the Spanish Government's ineffectiveness to protect the Spaniards' homes. Vox's main discursive strategies entail constructions of migrants and migration based on dichotomous binaries, culture clash, exclusionary discourses of domopolitics, and fears of imminent social and cultural changes. These constructions are based on the unproblematized belief on essential and unchangeable values that forge the identity of the homeland, which is implicitly threatened by immigrants. Against the migratory invasion, Vox constitutes itself as the ethical protector of the Spanish society and nation, “out of care for the insiders and not out of hatred for outsiders.” 相似文献
180.