Pecking and feeding in chicks

Pecking is not controlled by nutritional state in a newly hatched chick, but by 3 days posthatch it normally is. This paper tests the hypothesis that first a chick must learn that pecking leads to ingestion; then, other (nonlearned) processes are automatically responsible for differential pecking rates to nutritive and nonnutritive items. The first experiment shows that experience pecking and ingesting sawdust is sufficient for differential pecking to develop. The second experiment shows that swallowing without pecking (using a force-feeding technique) does not lead to differential pecking. The third experiment shows that pecking without swallowing (using sand glued down to the floor) also does not lead to differential pecking. Finally, the last experiment shows that food deprivation affects pecking rate only after pecking and ingestion have been associated. These results support the above hypothesis that pecking followed by ingestion leads to the “attachment” of the pecking response to the feeding system. Motivational independence of pecking and the hunger system, the association of pecking with ingestion, and the development of behavior systems are discussed. It is concluded that the function of a behavior may not be related to its causes.     

Desire for control, locus of control, and proneness to depression

Two personality constructs, desire for control and locus of control, were related to depression among college students. Measures of levels of depression, desire for control, and locus of control were taken from subjects. Approximately six months later 71% of these subjects returned a questionnaire concerning their experiences with depression during that six-month period. It was found that locus of control scores, particularly the extent to which subjects perceived that their lives were controlled by chance, were significantly related to the depression levels. It was also found that high desire for control subjects who held external perceptions of control were most likely to seek nonprofessional help for depression. In addition, high desire for control subjects who perceived their lives as generally controlled by chance were most likely to have suicidal thoughts. The results are interpreted in terms of a general style that may promote a proneness to depression for certain individuals.     

Desire for control and reaction to proattitudinal and counterattitudinal arguments

The role of motivation for control in an individual's reaction to persuasive arguments was examined. Subjects scoring either high or low on an individual difference measure of desire for control (DC) were exposed to a position on the Equal Rights Amendment with which they either initially agreed or disagreed. It was found that more often high-DC subjects exposed to a proattitudinal message changed their attitudes in the direction advocated than did low DC subjects. Conversely, more often low-DC subjects exposed to counterattitudinal arguments changed their attitudes in the direction of the advocated position than did high-DC subjects. The findings suggest that a motivation to control events may be operative in some attitude-change situations.     

Determinants of social perception in a naturalistic setting

Based upon the assumption that personality traits exist more in the eye of the observer than is actually reflected in the actions of the actor, Jones and Nisbett have proposed that a negative relationship exists between familiarity with an actor's behavioral history and the tendency to attribute traits to that individual. An alternative viewpoint is suggested by the present research. Members of a college fraternity attributed more personality traits to themselves than were attributed to them by their fellow members. In addition, the fraternity members tended to offer more dispositional attributions to other members with whom they were more familiar. Furthermore, evidence is presented that is suggestive of the validity of these attributions. It is concluded that the attribution of personality traits provides attributors with information that is both veridical and useful in guiding social interactions.     

Perception of synthetic nasal consonants in initial and final syllable position

Identification and discrimination of synthesized syllable-initial and syllable-final nasal consonants (/mæ-næ-ηæ/ and æm-æn-æη) by adult American subjects were assessed to determine (1) whether place-of-articulation contrasts in nasals, cued only by second and third formant transition variations, were perceived categorically, and (2) if linguistic experience affected_ the perception of this acoustic dimension. In two experiments, subjects produced consistent identification functions with sharp boundaries between familiar phoneme categories. Corresponding discrimination functions showed “peaks” of relatively accurate perception for cross-category comparison pairs, indicating categorical perception. Identification consistency and discrimination accuracy were inferior for the/n/-/η/ contrast in the unfamiliar (and phonologically inappropriate) syllable-initial condition compared to the familiar syllable-final condition. No such difference was found in identification and discrimination of the acoustically comparable oral stop consonant contrast/d/-/g/in syllable-initial and syllable-final position. These results provide evidence that perception of linguistically relevant acoustic dimensions by adults is constrained, at least in part, by their familiarity with those acoustic (and phonetic) contrasts in specific phonological contexts.     

Cultural differences in unrealistic optimism and pessimism: the role of egocentrism and direct versus indirect comparison measures

Recent research has raised questions regarding the consistency of unrealistic optimism and related self-enhancing tendencies, both within cultures and across cultures. The current study tested whether the method used to assess unrealistic optimism influenced cross-cultural patterns in the United States and Japan. The results showed that the direct method (a single comparison judgment between self and peers) produced similar patterns across cultures because of cognitive biases (e.g., egocentrism); specifically, participants were unrealistically optimistic about experiencing infrequent/negative events but pessimistic about experiencing frequent/ negative events. However, the indirect method (separate self- and peer judgments) produced different patterns across cultures because culturally specific motivational biases emerged using this method; specifically, the U.S. sample was more unrealistically optimistic than the Japanese sample. The authors discuss how these results might influence the interpretation of previous findings on culture and self-enhancement.     

Territorial Markings as a Predictor of Driver Aggression and Road Rage1

Aggressive driving has received substantial media coverage during the past decade. We report 3 studies testing a territorial explanation of aggressive driving. Altman (1975 ) described attachment to, personalization of, and defense of primary territories (e.g., home) as being greater than for public territories (e.g., sunbathing spot on a beach). Aggressive driving may occur when social norms for defending a primary territory (i.e., one's automobile) become confused with less aggressive norms for defending a public territory (i.e., the road). Both number of territory markers (e.g., bumper stickers, decals) and attachment to the vehicle were significant predictors of aggressive driving. Mere presence of a territory marker predicts increased use of the vehicle to express anger and decreased use of adaptive/constructive expressions.     

Internal motivation to respond without prejudice and automatic egalitarian goal activation

Past research has shown that people who are motivated primarily by their internalized beliefs to respond without prejudice are less likely to show implicit forms of racial bias (e.g., Devine, P. G., Plant, E. A., Amodio, D. M., Harmon-Jones, E., & Vance, S. L. (2002). The regulation of explicit and implicit race bias: The role of motivations to respond without prejudice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82, 835-848). We tested the idea that such individuals inhibit implicit race bias by automatically activating egalitarian goals. Study 1 showed that participants high in internal motivation but low in external motivation (i.e., primary internal) displayed more egalitarianism, but only after they had been subliminally exposed to African American faces. Study 2 showed that primary internal motivation was associated with lower levels of automatic stereotype activation and this effect was mediated by egalitarian goal activation. These results provide converging evidence that the relationship between primary internal motivation and low levels of implicit bias stems from the activation of egalitarian goals. We discuss the implications of these findings for efforts to reduce cognitive and affective forms of implicit racial bias.